急求一篇“我游世博”的作文 1000字的 谢谢了

急求一篇英语作文（1000字左右）~

Old soldiers never die
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
"Men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. Various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. From the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as individual citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. Military alliances,
balances of power, Leagues of Nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. The
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. We have had our last
chance. If we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
Armageddon will be at our door. The
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.

　　人生如同道路，我们一直在自己的道路上行走，时不时我们眼前就会出现一个十字路口，我们应该往左，还是往右，还是一直往前走？面对这些纵横交错的十字路口，我们应该如何选择？别着急，静下心来仔细思考一下，选择适合自己的道路才是最重要的。

　　人生是个问号。在生活中，我们经常会遇到这样的问题：我应该选择他，她还是它？人生就是如此，选择正确的才有意义。人生是个问号，这个问号一直在帮助我们选择，择善而从之，择益而为之。

　　人生是个感叹号。世上每天都有人在选择，世间万物亦是如此。红军选择了长征，保存了红军的实力，使共产党从幼稚走向成熟。这次选择，挽救了党，挽救了革命，挽救了红军，成为了党在历史上一个生死攸关的转折点。中国政府选择抗美援朝，因为将美军赶到了“三八线”，保卫了朝鲜，保卫了国家，使我国在国际中的地位有了很大的提高。

　　人生是个句号。要想人生的旅途中画上圆满的句号，那需要选择，需要努力。2001年12月11日，伟大的时刻，中国选择加入世贸，并通过自身的努力终于成为世贸组织中一个举足轻重的成员。中国加入世贸，为中国的人生道路上暂时画上了一个句号。为我国经济和世界经济的发展作出了巨大贡献。

　　人生就是个饺子，岁月是皮，经历是馅，甜酸苦辣皆为滋味，毅力和信心正是饺子皮上的褶皱，人生的择决当中难免被狠狠地挤一下，被汗水煮一下，但我们会因此更加坚强。我们应该以灿烂的笑容面对人生的选择；以宽阔的胸怀去拥抱人生的选择；以睿智的目光去认识人生的选择；以强劲的韧力构造出人生的道路；人生便像一泓清澈的泉水，一朵瑰丽花蕾，一片璀璨的霞辉。

　　只要我们能够认真地对待每一次选择，每一次机会，那么我们的人生将会变得更有意义。朋友，让我们为自己的人生作出正确而有意义的择决吧！

　　可以这样说，世博会就是世界级的交流会！是多元文化的精彩异放，是“地球村”内由世博组织确定，定时定点以主办方为主的大型参展会！
　　2010年上海世界博览会，是第41届世界博览会，以“城市，让生活更美好”为主题，总投资450亿人民币，参展方数为240个国家地区组织，会期184天，会场面积为5.28平方公里，吉祥物叫海宝，意即“四海之宝”寓意吉祥！
　　世博会在世界大都市中国上海的举行，成为世界人民关注的热点，以“城市，让生活更美好”为导引，亮显城市迅速改变带动发展的一切，科技让生活美好，和平中更多岁月沉淀的精华，厚重出名牌的珍贵。美丽的服饰，奇特的饮食调烹，怪异的民族风情，欢乐激情的跳动，对幸福的希冀，对未知的好奇，对自由的渴望，在先进科技与更新叠升中交流出各种非凡的创意和智慧，激励着人们在梦想与实践的运动中不停探索前进！这次世博会在黄浦江两岸的举办是一次前所未有的盛大体验，上海这个世界大都市人气旺盛，商贾云集，高楼很高，房价金贵，高傲的气派与活力生机，也有着来之世界各地人们的付出与衬托。
　　世博会总有一种把原始、发展、科技、文化、梦想等衔接的文明融通，又延伸照进现实的神奇力量。在建筑与文化展现中，众多的场馆堆砌着种种历史的痕迹，蕴涵着不同种族世博文化的结晶，也承载着人类的奇幻之梦，越飞越高、越飞越远。人类思想的飘空深远，也会像鸟儿一样自由从栖息树上而跃，徜徉于蓝天白云，境界无限飞翔至远这个人类社会几千年的妄念，化作一个个科技产品在世博会中精彩显现。
　　鲜亮的中国节点缀着喜庆，方楞而建的中国馆，中国红凝结着沉稳又活泼的色彩，如同亿万热血铸就着钢骨支撑，中国方阵以红色而热腾，以厚重为大气，以方叠而正气，以斗式而纳众多包容。
　　看似奢华的阿联酋“沙丘”使用都是可循环利用的环保材料，未来将被拆卸运回，并重新建造成一座文化中心，这正呼应可持续发展的特点；丹麦，它的展馆并不重在外观设计，而是以“幸福生活，童话乐园”为主题，水池的中央坐落着一尊小美人鱼雕塑，表达了繁忙的城市生活里也向往简单幸福的生活，期望大自然赋予我的宁静、悠然；英国馆外部伸展出大量带有光源的触须，可随风晃动，在晚上可以变换色彩和美丽图案；西班牙馆用藤条编织的外墙，远观就像油炸鱼皮一样令人遐想；法国馆听说还展示出了梵高、米勒等大师创作的艺术珍品；芬兰馆白色的“鱼鳞外墙”完全是新型纸塑复合材料；德国馆内有一个巨大的金属球，内设感应装置，能对人群的动作及呼声做出回应；意大利馆的外墙，可变幻透明度，还能随时感知建筑内部的温度和湿度。日本馆的智能机器人，灵活与多能激动人心。韩国馆、尼泊尔馆、泰国馆等众多楼馆都体现着最新科技成果和节能环保的理念，并且建筑风格各异，色彩搭配大胆诙谐，有圆柱形、条形、椭圆形、方形、菱形和各种不规则形态，用竹条、刚条、塑料制品等，在线条流畅、包装精美、绘画随意、意境奇特中把生态与科技张扬，把国度生活与表达思想灌注，有了斑驳不同的美丽展现。走入其中不同风格，曲折回廊里能寻找空间世界装扮大师精美设计，不同潮流的映现对比，流淌出科技、环境、人文、生活、心理的各异不同。
　　还有比利时大厨现场经典制作的巧克力，环境优雅洁净的日本料理，人流如潮的肯德基，以及全国各地风味代表橱窗等都具有不同口味。眼观心揽品评氛围能体会到，法国人的浪漫气质，德国人的严谨作风，欧洲各国的团结，非洲的古老浓情，中国人的趋之若鹜跟从，都会在芸芸众生中展现，淘去五光十色人流闪动里而生的原始单一本能，多了些思索和平静，更喜欢观看插肩而过陌生人的浪漫和文雅。世博会中现代混合着古典，科技彰显着发展，认知着异国风情，只有自然风韵都是具有的，对生态环境的保护认同，胜过东方人气度与西方人诙谐。
　　世博会不是简单的“招蜂惹蝶”，它的意义不是一本护照形形色色里盖满国印的虚荣追逐，用心观思能明白古老的耕作，释解千年的文化底蕴，又是现代科技产品的精彩堆积，政治上的深远影响，商业上的拉动经济，对中国的宣传，上海的鲜亮，都会有前所未有的效果！
　　当从各国馆所穿梭走过，看到不仅是炫耀，不仅是一种精心编织的展现，也是一次心灵的升华，一次因世界发展的感动，是中华风情和世界潮流的溶汇，变幻的灯光，曼妙的音乐，多彩的光束，坚固的钢构，精湛的工艺在光彩的亮显，先进的影音、电子设备、灯光变幻，不断提升着电子效果的清晰与灵动，装饰不附属于生硬，发展不是教条、模仿的刻板。众多装扮是仿制的精彩，影像是发展的浓缩，思想才是世博文化的未来延伸，专业者在学习中进步，洞察与分析，收获是浪漫纷呈的美好。点滴细节在场馆里，永远反映着人类对幸福的追求与渴望，对温馨生存的孜孜不倦奋斗努力。我相信未来里专业与关爱人类相衔接，会缔造出令人震惊的产品更替与飞跃。
　　对很多人来说，世博会只是赶集一样蜂拥而至的一次非凡热闹，少不了潮流观看者在长长队伍拥挤中是懂非懂快步浏览，如同晚上用星星来点灯，高悬是无法触摸的灿烂，当从这片热土上走过，除了无尽的赞叹，心里不得不承认自我的渺小。当伫立其中，心中有所卑微，触觉到了心里纤小的细嫩，孤独在陌生的肤色中萌生，寂寞在宽广与繁华色彩里加重，在音乐的弥漫中无人派对。只一碗面，一瓶水，也令老人们啧啧出“贵”论。只有不厌提问笑脸相迎的自愿者，如温馨的元素，让急匆匆异地人倍感温暖。世界永远有我们看不完的美好风景，急速流光照影中的变化，只能垂手可得一些缘分的欢喜，也可以在跳跃中奋起摘取，但超乎的欲望和贪婪，如同蚂蚁仰望登山高峰，只能在心里自填苦恼。
　　参观是乐趣的，不仅是游玩，也是借鉴和学习，学习是进步的基础，参观是提升一种意境，知道落后而迈步，因距离而更虚心，明白演变会更宽容。在谈笑间可以纵情天地，在咫尺华丽里窃窃私语感觉与情调，在靓丽里可以养眼舒心。晚上人流与灯光，照射出多彩的应变灿烂，成为上海最浓艳而璀璨的繁华。站高观远在豁然中俯视精心设计的国度方块，路人不停在拍照中赞誉和佩服，诚然吐出是落后者对优胜者的敬意，小国人对大国风采的心服，落后对先进的感叹，沟通与交换让世界更美好！
　　当接触这世界美妙的同时，追求的一种深远又在自励中鼓舞信心。因发展而激荡的情怀，久久不能平息，新颖的产品推动着世界的交流，宽厚的善行拉近了融合沟通。浓缩的世界也很大，有几千年前繁荣给足了后人面子的荣耀，也有当今领先张扬发展的强大资本，急匆匆观望的步调，在出出入入中萦回起伏，比上帝还惊讶地球的过去和未来，虽然遗憾没有看到人类巨大的一个书籍馆，没有看到中国功夫的精彩演绎，仍能觉悟到了一种活力之涛。看到的本身也有失望，看不到的也没有多少遗憾。浏览众多卓越方块，明白没有那个王国可以永久高傲，没有那个文明的能始终潮领占尽风骚，如上海万千高楼耸立，总有后来者驱上！
　　一声轮渡笛声，突不防的刺耳震响，将心思又扯向一个意境与视角。不同人生，总需要不同的眼界与胸襟，或许喜欢地广人稀，或许以接近青山绿水蓝天白云为心家，或许习惯落后安享，或许肤色不同却认识相同。站在轮船上，看着壮观的大桥和外观奇特的高楼，水波粼粼中更耀眼辉煌，享受着微微之风，轮船在江面漂浮中我心成了两半，一半在怀旧，一半思未来！
　　世博会是人类不同时代文明的集结地，是未来发展的指引灯，拉近了肤色、种族、区域、年龄、发展的距离，为美好地球与和谐共处搭建了一个平台，缩小了人与人之间的隔阂距离。世博会是生活、科技、服饰、文化、思想等明显展示，是生活方式的冲撞交流，这里永远没有尽美，在相互的差异中，只有灵感和进步一直在成长！
　　城市，确实是我们密度栖息的坚强骨架，心灵在装潢中美妙，就让身心在最惬意柔然里着陆安寝吧！当您走近黄浦江畔，世博会的精彩还在不断精致装扮，讨论与辩解无处不在，每个角落，每个时分，这个世界级的盛会，在多人辛勤、智慧凝聚中尽情上演。换个眼神看世界，我们身处的宽广，只是渺小的局部，发展有时就是一种诱惑，是意志的改变爬坡！只要心有世界，失去和得到一切皆是为渺小！
　　我希望社会洁净与地球更和谐，让美好不仅满足在城市这个华丽结晶上，应该让生物科技与心灵安宁溶和成一种快乐的信念支撑，让地球不要再太多负重，不要让发展对生态的过分挤压，为一些思想浅薄与空洞，多注入些深远的意味。让战争与暴力远离，让权力与财力不在过多欺辱弱者，把一切合力凝聚在可持续发展人类新行径上，息减无数折寿地球的狂热和无知，弱化地盘与资源相互较量与争斗，用舒心的和谐共同稳定不安宁的地球，当世界人类齐心来改善地球平衡，就是在延续人类幸福生命！

想必你们应该都知道2010年上海世博会吧，正好，就在7月4日我去了上海世博会。我们的行程开始了。

首先，我们要做车到上海世博会门前，然后，就开始了世博之旅，我们到了世博园的A区、B区和C区，我们先去了C区，第一站是塞而维亚馆，进馆以后，映入眼帘的是一个大舞台，那舞台旁边还有一个八面镜，镜子中间裹着一个旋转椅。接着我们又来到了西班牙。

从表面来看像一个编制的草笼，里面精彩极了，进去以后，里面黑乎乎的，再往前走隐隐有了光线，是一位西班牙舞者在跳舞，背头上还有着西班牙过去的经历，发展。

正当我们不知道去哪个馆时，就无意间听见有人说:“德国馆不错。”我们随后就去了德国馆，我们在那足足排了四个小时，这算是让我见识到了夏日的炎热。初进德国馆，看见了一个露天花园，上了露天花园远远地望见了一个长达五米的滑梯。再往前走就是德国的建造和发明。

出了德国馆，正要走的时候，突然看见了几个小馆，也没人排队，我们就进去看了，有阿富汗馆、EXPO馆、古巴馆······

今天我们的旅行到此结束，虽然很累，但是我们依然很开心！

想必你们应该都知道2010年上海世博会吧，正好，就在7月4日我去了上海世博会。我们的行程开始了。

首先，我们要做车到上海世博会门前，然后，就开始了世博之旅，我们到了世博园的A区、B区和C区，我们先去了C区，第一站是塞而维亚馆，进馆以后，映入眼帘的是一个大舞台，那舞台旁边还有一个八面镜，镜子中间裹着一个旋转椅。接着我们又来到了西班牙。

从表面来看像一个编制的草笼，里面精彩极了，进去以后，里面黑乎乎的，再往前走隐隐有了光线，是一位西班牙舞者在跳舞，背头上还有着西班牙过去的经历，发展。

正当我们不知道去哪个馆时，就无意间听见有人说:“德国馆不错。”我们随后就去了德国馆，我们在那足足排了四个小时，这算是让我见识到了夏日的炎热。初进德国馆，看见了一个露天花园，上了露天花园远远地望见了一个长达五米的滑梯。再往前走就是德国的建造和发明。

出了德国馆，正要走的时候，突然看见了几个小馆，也没人排队，我们就进去看了，有阿富汗馆、EXPO馆、古巴馆······

今天我们的旅行到此结束，虽然很累，但是我们依然很开心
可以这样说，世博会就是世界级的交流会！是多元文化的精彩异放，是“地球村”内由世博组织确定，定时定点以主办方为主的大型参展会！
2010年上海世界博览会，是第41届世界博览会，以“城市，让生活更美好”为主题，总投资450亿人民币，参展方数为240个国家地区组织，会期184天，会场面积为5.28平方公里，吉祥物叫海宝，意即“四海之宝”寓意吉祥！
世博会在世界大都市中国上海的举行，成为世界人民关注的热点，以“城市，让生活更美好”为导引，亮显城市迅速改变带动发展的一切，科技让生活美好，和平中更多岁月沉淀的精华，厚重出名牌的珍贵。美丽的服饰，奇特的饮食调烹，怪异的民族风情，欢乐激情的跳动，对幸福的希冀，对未知的好奇，对自由的渴望，在先进科技与更新叠升中交流出各种非凡的创意和智慧，激励着人们在梦想与实践的运动中不停探索前进！这次世博会在黄浦江两岸的举办是一次前所未有的盛大体验，上海这个世界大都市人气旺盛，商贾云集，高楼很高，房价金贵，高傲的气派与活力生机，也有着来之世界各地人们的付出与衬托。
世博会总有一种把原始、发展、科技、文化、梦想等衔接的文明融通，又延伸照进现实的神奇力量。在建筑与文化展现中，众多的场馆堆砌着种种历史的痕迹，蕴涵着不同种族世博文化的结晶，也承载着人类的奇幻之梦，越飞越高、越飞越远。人类思想的飘空深远，也会像鸟儿一样自由从栖息树上而跃，徜徉于蓝天白云，境界无限飞翔至远这个人类社会几千年的妄念，化作一个个科技产品在世博会中精彩显现。
鲜亮的中国节点缀着喜庆，方楞而建的中国馆，中国红凝结着沉稳又活泼的色彩，如同亿万热血铸就着钢骨支撑，中国方阵以红色而热腾，以厚重为大气，以方叠而正气，以斗式而纳众多包容。
看似奢华的阿联酋“沙丘”使用都是可循环利用的环保材料，未来将被拆卸运回，并重新建造成一座文化中心，这正呼应可持续发展的特点；丹麦，它的展馆并不重在外观设计，而是以“幸福生活，童话乐园”为主题，水池的中央坐落着一尊小美人鱼雕塑，表达了繁忙的城市生活里也向往简单幸福的生活，期望大自然赋予我的宁静、悠然；英国馆外部伸展出大量带有光源的触须，可随风晃动，在晚上可以变换色彩和美丽图案；西班牙馆用藤条编织的外墙，远观就像油炸鱼皮一样令人遐想；法国馆听说还展示出了梵高、米勒等大师创作的艺术珍品；芬兰馆白色的“鱼鳞外墙”完全是新型纸塑复合材料；德国馆内有一个巨大的金属球，内设感应装置，能对人群的动作及呼声做出回应；意大利馆的外墙，可变幻透明度，还能随时感知建筑内部的温度和湿度。日本馆的智能机器人，灵活与多能激动人心。韩国馆、尼泊尔馆、泰国馆等众多楼馆都体现着最新科技成果和节能环保的理念，并且建筑风格各异，色彩搭配大胆诙谐，有圆柱形、条形、椭圆形、方形、菱形和各种不规则形态，用竹条、刚条、塑料制品等，在线条流畅、包装精美、绘画随意、意境奇特中把生态与科技张扬，把国度生活与表达思想灌注，有了斑驳不同的美丽展现。走入其中不同风格，曲折回廊里能寻找空间世界装扮大师精美设计，不同潮流的映现对比，流淌出科技、环境、人文、生活、心理的各异不同。
还有比利时大厨现场经典制作的巧克力，环境优雅洁净的日本料理，人流如潮的肯德基，以及全国各地风味代表橱窗等都具有不同口味。眼观心揽品评氛围能体会到，法国人的浪漫气质，德国人的严谨作风，欧洲各国的团结，非洲的古老浓情，中国人的趋之若鹜跟从，都会在芸芸众生中展现，淘去五光十色人流闪动里而生的原始单一本能，多了些思索和平静，更喜欢观看插肩而过陌生人的浪漫和文雅。世博会中现代混合着古典，科技彰显着发展，认知着异国风情，只有自然风韵都是具有的，对生态环境的保护认同，胜过东方人气度与西方人诙谐。
世博会不是简单的“招蜂惹蝶”，它的意义不是一本护照形形色色里盖满国印的虚荣追逐，用心观思能明白古老的耕作，释解千年的文化底蕴，又是现代科技产品的精彩堆积，政治上的深远影响，商业上的拉动经济，对中国的宣传，上海的鲜亮，都会有前所未有的效果！
当从各国馆所穿梭走过，看到不仅是炫耀，不仅是一种精心编织的展现，也是一次心灵的升华，一次因世界发展的感动，是中华风情和世界潮流的溶汇，变幻的灯光，曼妙的音乐，多彩的光束，坚固的钢构，精湛的工艺在光彩的亮显，先进的影音、电子设备、灯光变幻，不断提升着电子效果的清晰与灵动，装饰不附属于生硬，发展不是教条、模仿的刻板。众多装扮是仿制的精彩，影像是发展的浓缩，思想才是世博文化的未来延伸，专业者在学习中进步，洞察与分析，收获是浪漫纷呈的美好。点滴细节在场馆里，永远反映着人类对幸福的追求与渴望，对温馨生存的孜孜不倦奋斗努力。我相信未来里专业与关爱人类相衔接，会缔造出令人震惊的产品更替与飞跃。
对很多人来说，世博会只是赶集一样蜂拥而至的一次非凡热闹，少不了潮流观看者在长长队伍拥挤中是懂非懂快步浏览，如同晚上用星星来点灯，高悬是无法触摸的灿烂，当从这片热土上走过，除了无尽的赞叹，心里不得不承认自我的渺小。当伫立其中，心中有所卑微，触觉到了心里纤小的细嫩，孤独在陌生的肤色中萌生，寂寞在宽广与繁华色彩里加重，在音乐的弥漫中无人派对。只一碗面，一瓶水，也令老人们啧啧出“贵”论。只有不厌提问笑脸相迎的自愿者，如温馨的元素，让急匆匆异地人倍感温暖。世界永远有我们看不完的美好风景，急速流光照影中的变化，只能垂手可得一些缘分的欢喜，也可以在跳跃中奋起摘取，但超乎的欲望和贪婪，如同蚂蚁仰望登山高峰，只能在心里自填苦恼。
参观是乐趣的，不仅是游玩，也是借鉴和学习，学习是进步的基础，参观是提升一种意境，知道落后而迈步，因距离而更虚心，明白演变会更宽容。在谈笑间可以纵情天地，在咫尺华丽里窃窃私语感觉与情调，在靓丽里可以养眼舒心。晚上人流与灯光，照射出多彩的应变灿烂，成为上海最浓艳而璀璨的繁华。站高观远在豁然中俯视精心设计的国度方块，路人不停在拍照中赞誉和佩服，诚然吐出是落后者对优胜者的敬意，小国人对大国风采的心服，落后对先进的感叹，沟通与交换让世界更美好！

游上海世博会的日记

哇靠，一千字，你是几年级的。

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笪吉因斯： 2010的中国-世博我从电视里看了很多关于世博会的介绍,被电视中的美丽景色所吸引了,心里也便蠢蠢欲动,想要亲身去看一看.正好,我们可以有机会去上海世博园玩,于是便激动地一起出发.尽管这次去,因为没有预约的原因,很多场馆...

积石山保安族东乡族撒拉族自治县13246326655： 给我一篇关于游世博的记事作文 - ？
笪吉因斯： 观世博 当我从电视里看了很多关于世博会的介绍,被电视中的美丽景色所吸引住了,心里也便跃跃欲试,想要亲自去看一看.正好,妈妈买了两张上海世博会门票,于是便兴高采烈地一起出发.尽管这次因为没有预约的原因,很多需要预约的场...

积石山保安族东乡族撒拉族自治县13246326655： 急求一篇游世博的450字的文章 - ？
笪吉因斯： 从1851年英国伦敦起步,世博会伴随人类走过150年,汇聚展现人类文明结晶,见证社会发展进步.一切始于世博会——这是世博会的一个著名口号.1862年伦敦世博会出现了手动洗衣机;1876年费城世博会上,电话的发明人贝尔正在为世界...

积石山保安族东乡族撒拉族自治县13246326655： 求游世博初中作文 . - ？
笪吉因斯： 游世博会 光阴似箭,日月如梭.转眼,上海世博会已经召开数日了.现在,上海成为了中国的骄傲,世界的明星;现在,成千上万个来自五湖四海的游客到我们美丽富饶的上海来参观;现在,上海是文明之邦,中国人各个懂文明,讲礼仪!...

积石山保安族东乡族撒拉族自治县13246326655： 急求 作文 “我爱世博会”(600字以上)最好是自己写的 - ？
笪吉因斯： 喜迎世博 世博会是全世界瞩目的焦点.在世博会上,你会发现许许多多有关于科技的事物,例如机器人、汽车等等.在我们身边,你也会发现许许多多的人因不懂得科技...

积石山保安族东乡族撒拉族自治县13246326655： 求一篇600字以上 初中生 游览世博文章 - ？
笪吉因斯： 游世博 由于要去游世博,不到五点,我们家就开始忙碌了.妈妈忙着做早餐,爸爸忙着整理行李,我带着倦意爬起床,拿出我心爱的相机,拿出我平时攒的零花钱,放到我的背包里.早饭过后,我们坐车直奔上海.爸爸开着车在高速公路上飞驰...

积石山保安族东乡族撒拉族自治县13246326655： 急求一篇作文《城市记忆》,关于世博的,600字左右 - ？
笪吉因斯： 城市记忆 这是一座大都市. 高楼林立,车水马龙是这座城市的写照.一座座高楼大厦耸立在马路两旁,亭亭玉立,柏油路两旁,矗立着苍翠欲滴的树木,宽敞的道路上空架着立交桥,蜿蜒盘旋,汽车穿梭其中.大马路上,红灯亮时,城市得...

积石山保安族东乡族撒拉族自治县13246326655： 急一篇需世博会观后感作文 - ？
笪吉因斯： 1851年5月1日第一届世界博览会在伦敦＂水晶宫＂开幕的当天, 维多利亚女王在日记中写道:＂透过铁门映入眼帘的教堂的顶楼, 还有那无数挥舞着的手掌, 鲜花, 雕像, 以及挤满人群的走廊, 进入大殿后嘹亮的号声, 此种感觉实在毕生难...