求乔治六世国王对德国宣战的演讲稿

求《国王的演讲》 科普帖，解释一下乔治六世的8年演讲路，丘吉尔的上位史，二战特别事件以及伊丽莎白一世~

乔治六世从小就口吃，结巴，话都说不拢，这样子本身就不是做国王的。
他爹乔治五世可是钢铁国王，从水手到骑兵都做过，喜欢狩猎，一战时候战场上还视察前线。乔治五世在国内拥有巨大号召力，并且他无心插手党派争执，甚至会任性的重新组党，当然目的是为了对抗经济危机。所以老乔治办法多，亲民，权利跟声望都大。

这个时候，纳粹德国崛起了。

乔治五世逝世，英国还是大英帝国，54个殖民地，8亿人口，总面积超过俄罗斯。如何继承这么庞大的国家，就成了问题。两个儿子里，老二口吃（就是乔治六世），老大在军队拥有巨大号召力并且热血，老国王也有遗言，所以最开始爱德华八世是理想国王。但是还没有加冕正式上台，就因为爱上一个不是贵族也不是英国人三次离婚的清教徒女人，这点全国不能接受，平民都会议论，议会也反对。国王的话说了也就没人再说什么。但是爱德华国王不理政，不去议会听证，也不管爱尔兰几乎要分裂的领土问题，无人领导的议会无法进行工作，张伯伦跟丘吉尔在议会争权夺利也不节制（因为无心管理），导致前线英军不知对德军是绥靖还是反击，也导致了一系列局部失败（这些失败都是小局部，包括割让波兰）。全国乃至所有殖民地都有怨言，在巨大的言论压力下，爱德华国王选择过普通人生活。他发表演讲，辞去国王，并正式跟那女人结婚。这在全国都是很难理解的，全世界都不理解，爱美人不爱江山的皇帝，确实是头一次见。

所以口吃国王不得已上台了。由于内向，口吃，不善言谈，更不懂政治，几乎天生就不是皇帝的料。他也无法左右议会大臣的争权夺利。首相张伯伦主张跟德国搁置争议，英国不应该局限于欧洲，毕竟大英帝国，利益全在外面。丘吉尔则主张要做“英格兰贵族”，跟纳粹不共戴天。爱德华八世支持张伯伦，并且重心放在印度。但是随着爱德华八世推位，张伯伦在议会越发不敌贵族出身的丘吉尔，毕竟议会近半数都是贵族。所以，乔治六世看着张伯伦下台而自己又无能为力，丘吉尔上台只能有其主张备战。

丘吉尔战略眼光不多，并且一直在推行错误的政策。先是30年代金融改革失败下台，后又在1938年强势主张武力对抗纳粹。但是他作为首相，手腕高明，说服乔治国王夫妇访问美国，又连说带骗让乔治发表演讲，这个国王的演讲内容就是来自于这个历史。国王的演讲，其实更多是一种政治的确定性，宣战声明，整个大英帝国因为这个国王的口头声明而动员起来准备开战，无论是张伯伦的支持者还是丘吉尔的反对者，在国王这个“口头声明”下，都一致对外，对内的政策也基本成了貌似是“国王观点”的“首相观点”，并且在一定程度上是整个英国社会的目的不再动摇，统一各派观点，一定程度上鼓舞了士气，士兵跟军队不再因为议会的反复无常而不知如何应对。然后这个战争机器就开了起来，大英帝国以整个殖民地经济为支撑跟德国打了一场全面的世界战争，代价是整个大英帝国的崩溃，简直脑残。

战争未结束，丘吉尔就因为战略眼光不够长远，葬送了整个大英帝国的利益而下台。而乔治六世则因为英国国力的衰退而不断自责。但是口吃内向加不懂政治使他无大的实权，更加不能左右二战后崛起的美国苏联各自扶持的议会派系。所以乔治六世开始抽烟，整包整包抽烟，因为自己的无能而逃避，也无法看到更不想看到英国殖民地一块块分裂独立。长期的压抑生活造成国王身体健康状况直下。

1952年2月肺癌复发，加上熬夜造成脑血栓，英年早逝。所以这个人在英国历史上除了著名的“国王的演讲”，几乎无啥大作用。一个无法中立也无法左右派系斗争，甚至被人牵着鼻子走的国王确实没有一点历史作用，甚至国内的民生改善，乃至听证会上，他都被政客牵着鼻子走。他短短的国王生涯，几乎断送了整个英国长期利益，也丧失了王室的仅有的实权，议会彻底彻底代替国王，换句话说，议会成为亲美苏的政客的表演台，英国丧失了贵族阶级长期而又精明的“海上资源”式的战略眼光，并且因为被战争耗光了资本，从而一落千丈，四分五裂，彻底衰落。

当然他的长女继承王位，就是伊丽莎白二世，现在的英国女王。

纯手打，带有明显独立观点。不过不容置疑，英国的衰落，乔治国王难辞其咎。

你确定吗？我只找到对日本宣战的《珍珠港演说》

当时欧洲陷于二次世界大战的战火中，但美国仍然不想卷入战争，只对日采取石油禁运，并希望透过谈判，劝阻日本的侵略行动。不过日本决定先发制人，在1941年12月7日，派出海空军部队，突袭美国位于夏威夷的海军基地--珍珠港 (Pearl Harbor)，结果成功击沉、击毁美国19艘大型舰只，炸毁美国150架飞机，造成 2400多名美国人死亡，伤 1178 人。而日本付出的代价轻微，仅损失飞机 20多架和5艘袖珍潜水艇。

当时的美国总统罗斯福 (Franklin Delano Roosevelt)，在发生突袭后第二日，在国会发表对日宣战的著名演说--珍珠港演说 (Pearl Harbor Speech)。美国人在日本偷袭珍珠港前，对应否加入二次大战存在分歧，偷袭事件激起民愤，结果全国团结起来，支持参战。德国和意大利亦于3日后，对美国宣战。

PEARL HARBOR SPEECH
Franklin Delano Roosevelt
December 8, 1941
To the Congress of the United States:

Yesterday, Dec. 7, 1941 - a date which will live in infamy - the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. Very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.
This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.

Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces - with the unbounding determination of our people - we will gain the inevitable triumph - so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec. 7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

In this grave hour, perhaps the most fateful in history, I send to every household of my peoples, both at home and overseas, this message, spoken with the same depth of feeling for each one of you as if I were able to cross your threshold and speak to you myself.

For the second time in the lives of most of us, we are at war.

Over and over again, we have tried to find a peaceful way out of the differences between ourselves and those who are now our enemies; but it has bee in vain.

We have been forced into a conflict, for which we are called, with our allies to meet the challenge of a principle which, if it were to prevail, would be fatal to any civilized order in the world.

It is a principle which permits a state in the selfish pursuit of power to disregard its treaties and its solemn pledges, which sanctions the use of force or threat of force against the sovereignty and independence of other states.

Such a principle, stripped of all disguise, is surely the mere primitive doctrine that might is right, and if this principle were established through the world, the freedom of our own country and of the whole British Commonwealth of nations would be in danger.

But far more than this, the peoples of the world would be kept in bondage of fear, and all hopes of settled peace and of security, of justice and liberty, among nations, would be ended.

This is the ultimate issue which confronts us. For the sake of all that we ourselves hold dear, and of the world order and peace, it is unthinkable that we should refuse to meet the challenge.

It is to this high purpose that I now call my people at home and my peoples across the seas, who will make our cause their own.

I ask them to stand calm and firm and united in this time of trial.

The task will be hard. There may be dark days ahead, and war can no longer be confined to the battlefield, but we can only do the right as we see the right, and reverently commit our cause to God. If one and all we keep resolutely faithful to it, ready for whatever service or sacrifice it may demand, then with God's help, we shall prevail.

In this grave hour, perhaps the most fateful in history, I send to every household of my peoples, both at home and overseas, this message, spoken with the same depth of feeling for each one of you as if I were able to cross your threshold and speak to you myself.

For the second time in the lives of most of us, we are at war.

Over and over again, we have tried to find a peaceful way out of the differences between ourselves and those who are now our enemies; but it has bee in vain.

We have been forced into a conflict, for which we are called, with our allies to meet the challenge of a principle which, if it were to prevail, would be fatal to any civilized order in the world.

It is a principle which permits a state in the selfish pursuit of power to disregard its treaties and its solemn pledges, which sanctions the use of force or threat of force against the sovereignty and independence of other states.

Such a principle, stripped of all disguise, is surely the mere primitive doctrine that might is right, and if this principle were established through the world, the freedom of our own country and of the whole British Commonwealth of nations would be in danger.

But far more than this, the peoples of the world would be kept in bondage of fear, and all hopes of settled peace and of security, of justice and liberty, among nations, would be ended.

This is the ultimate issue which confronts us. For the sake of all that we ourselves hold dear, and of the world order and peace, it is unthinkable that we should refuse to meet the challenge.

It is to this high purpose that I now call my people at home and my peoples across the seas, who will make our cause their own.

I ask them to stand calm and firm and united in this time of trial.

The task will be hard. There may be dark days ahead, and war can no longer be confined to the battlefield, but we can only do the right as we see the right, and reverently commit our cause to God. If one and all we keep resolutely faithful to it, ready for whatever service or sacrifice it may demand, then with God's help, we shall prevail.

In this grave hour, perhaps the most fateful in history, I send to every household of my peoples, both at home and overseas, this message, spoken with the same depth of feeling for each one of you as if I were able to cross your threshold and speak to you myself.
For the second time in the lives of most of us, we are at war.
Over and over again, we have tried to find a peaceful way out of the differences between ourselves and those who are now our enemies; but it has bee in vain.
We have been forced into a conflict, for which we are called, with our allies to meet the challenge of a principle which, if it were to prevail, would be fatal to any civilized order in the world.
It is a principle which permits a state in the selfish pursuit of power to disregard its treaties and its solemn pledges, which sanctions the use of force or threat of force against the sovereignty and independence of other states.
Such a principle, stripped of all disguise, is surely the mere primitive doctrine that might is right, and if this principle were established through the world, the freedom of our own country and of the whole British Commonwealth of nations would be in danger.
But far more than this, the peoples of the world would be kept in bondage of fear, and all hopes of settled peace and of security, of justice and liberty, among nations, would be ended.
This is the ultimate issue which confronts us. For the sake of all that we ourselves hold dear, and of the world order and peace, it is unthinkable that we should refuse to meet the challenge.
It is to this high purpose that I now call my people at home and my peoples across the seas, who will make our cause their own.
I ask them to stand calm and firm and united in this time of trial.
The task will be hard. There may be dark days ahead, and war can no longer be confined to the battlefield, but we can only do the right as we see the right, and reverently commit our cause to God. If one and all we keep resolutely faithful to it, ready for whatever service or sacrifice it may demand, then with God's help, we shall prevail.

---

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