随便一个经济学家的英文介绍

著名经济学家的介绍随便哪个经济学家~

古往今来，世界著名10大经济学家有（排名顺序不代表成就高低）： 卡尔·马克思、亚当·斯密、大卫·李嘉图、米尔顿·弗里德曼、约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯 1、卡尔·马克思。 生平介绍：马克思1818年，出生于德意志联邦普鲁士王国莱茵省

保罗·罗宾·克鲁格曼（英文：Paul Robin Krugman，1953年2月28日－），美国经济学家及纽约时报的专栏作家，普林斯顿大学经济系教授，是新凯恩斯主义经济学派代表[1]，2008年诺贝尔经济学奖得主。[2]

1953年出生美国纽约，约翰·F·肯尼迪高中毕业。1974年毕业于耶鲁大学，1977年于麻省理工学院取得博士学位，受到经济学家诺德豪斯的注意。毕业后先后于耶鲁大学、麻省理工及斯坦福大学任教。2000年起，成为普林斯顿大学经济系教授。

于1982-83年间，曾任职总统经济顾问委员会成员。1988年，出版了《期望减少的年代》一书。研究领域包括国际贸易、国际金融、货币危机与汇率变化理论。1991年，获得克拉克奖章。1996年出版的《流行国际主义》准确预测亚洲金融危机而声名大噪，是著名的经济预言家。他支持奥巴马竞选美国总统，在他当选后发表文章，表达对非裔首次当选美国总统的激动和自豪。更重要的是，他敦促奥巴马切勿听信要他延缓政策变化的建议，分析了坚持选战中提出的激进改革议程的可能性和必须性。[3]

著作
[编辑] 参与或合作撰写的书籍
The Spatial Economy - Cities, Regions and International Trade (July 1999), 与藤田昌久（Masahisa Fujita）和安东尼·威纳伯（Anthony Venables）合作撰写. MIT Press, ISBN 0262062046
The Self Organizing Economy (February 1996), ISBN 1557866988
EMU and the Regions (December 1995), 与吉耶尔摩（Guillermo de la Dehesa）合作撰写. ISBN 1567080383
Development, Geography, and Economic Theory (Ohlin Lectures) (September 1995), ISBN 0262112035
Foreign Direct Investment in the United States (3rd Edition) (February 1995), 与爱德华·格莱汉姆（Edward M. Graham）合作撰写. ISBN 0881322040
World Savings Shortage (September 1994), ISBN 0881321613
What Do We Need to Know About the International Monetary System? (Essays in International Finance, No 190 July 1993) ISBN 0881650978
Currencies and Crises (June 1992), ISBN 0262111659
Geography and Trade (Gaston Eyskens Lecture Series) (August 1991), ISBN 0262111594
《地理和贸易》，国际经济学译丛，中国人民大学出版社，2000
The Risks Facing the World Economy (July 1991), 与吉耶尔摩（Guillermo de la Dehesa）和查尔斯·泰勒（Charles Taylor）合作撰写. ISBN 1567080731
Has the Adjustment Process Worked? (Policy Analyses in International Economics, 34) (June 1991), ISBN 0881321168
Rethinking International Trade (April 1990), ISBN 0262111489
Trade Policy and Market Structure (March 1989), 与以色列经济学家埃尔赫南·赫尔普曼（Elhanan Helpman）合作撰写. ISBN 0262081822
Exchange-Rate Instability (Lionel Robbins Lectures) (November 1988), ISBN 0262111403
《汇率的不稳定性》，国际经济学译丛，中国人民大学出版社，2000
Adjustment in the World Economy (August 1987) ISBN 1567080235
Market Structure and Foreign Trade: Increasing Returns, Imperfect Competition, and the International Economy (May 1985), 与埃尔赫南·赫尔普曼（Elhanan Helpman）合作撰写. ISBN 0262081504
《市场结构和对外贸易政策——报酬递增、不完全竞争和国际贸易》，上海三联出版社，1993。
《流行的国际主义》，国际经济学译丛，中国人民大学出版社，2000 [4]
《战略性贸易政策与国际经济学》，国际经济学译丛，中国人民大学出版社， 2000
《克鲁格曼国际贸易新理论》，中国社会科学出版社，2001
[编辑] 参与或合作编辑的书籍
Currency Crises (National Bureau of Economic Research Conference Report) (September 2000), ISBN 0226454622
Trade with Japan : Has the Door Opened Wider? (National Bureau of Economic Research Project Report) (March 1995), ISBN 0226454592
Empirical Studies of Strategic Trade Policy (National Bureau of Economic Research Project Report) (April, 1994), co-edited with Alasdair Smith. ISBN 0226454606
Exchange Rate Targets and Currency Bands (October 1991), co-edited with Marcus Miller. ISBN 0521415330
Strategic Trade Policy and the New International Economics (January 1986), ISBN 0262111128
[编辑] 参考资料
1.^ （正体中文）克鲁格曼是新凯恩斯主义经济学派代表，新浪网，2008年10月13日．于2008年10月15日查阅．
2.^ （正体中文）诺贝尔经济学奖得主保罗•克鲁格曼撰博分享喜悦，新华网，2008年10月13日．于2008年10月15日查阅．
3.^ 克鲁格曼：奥巴马议程
4.^ （正体中文）流行的国际主义．中国图书网．于2008年10月15日查阅．

大卫•李嘉图
（David Ricardo, 1772-1823）
The brilliant British economist David Ricardo was one of the most important figures in the development of economic theory. He articulated and rigorously formulated the "Classical" system of political economy. The legacy of Ricardo dominated economic thinking throughout the 19th Century.
David Ricardo's family was descended from Iberian Jews who had fled to Holland during a wave of persecutions in the early 18th Century. His father, a stockbroker, emigrated to England shortly before Ricardo's birth in 1772. David Ricardo was his third son (out of seventeen!).
At the age of fourteen, after a brief schooling in Holland, Ricardo's father employed him full-time at the London Stock Exchange, where he quickly acquired a knack for the trade. At 21, Ricardo broke with his family and his orthodox Jewish faith when he decided to marry a Quaker. However, with the assistance of acquaintances and on the strength of his already considerable reputation in the City of London, Ricardo managed to set up his own business as a dealer in government securities. He became immensely rich in a very short while. In 1814, at the age of 41, finding himself "sufficiently rich to satisfy all my desires and the reasonable desires of all those about me" (Letter to Mill, 1815), Ricardo retired from city business, bought the estate of Gatcomb Park and set himself up as a country gentleman.
Egged on by his good friend James Mill, Ricardo got himself elected into the British parliament in 1819 as an independent representing a borough in Ireland, which he served up to his death in 1823. In parliament, he was primarily interested in the currency and commercial questions of the day, such as the repayment of public debt, capital taxation and the repeal of the Corn Laws. (cf. Thomas Moore's poems on Cash, Corn and Catholics)
Ricardo's interest in economics was sparked by a chance reading of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations (1776) when he was in his late twenties. Bright and talkative, Ricardo discussed his own economic ideas with his friends, notably James Mill. But it was only after the persistent urging of the eager Mill that Ricardo actually decided to write them down. He began in 1809, authoring newspaper articles on currency questions which drew him into the great Bullionist Controversy that was raging at the time In that affair, he was a partisan of the Bullionist position, which argued for the resumption of the convertibility of paper money into gold. He wrote a pair of tracts (1810, 1811) articulating their arguments and outlining what has since become known as the "classical approach" to the theory of money.
In these very same tracts, Ricardo also suggested the impossibility of a "general glut" -- an excess supply of all goods -- in an economy. This provoked the Rev. Thomas Robert Malthus to respond to Ricardo. The course of this debate continued in their extensive correspondence with each other, culminating in a series of notes Ricardo wrote on Malthus's 1820 Principles (these were later published posthumously as Notes on Malthus). Ricardo stood firm in his support of Say's Law and dismissed Malthus's underconsumption thesis as theoretically impossible. Yet, in spite of their disagreements on economic doctrines, they took to each other personally and fostered a legendary friendship. Ricardo even passed on investment tips to Malthus -- the most famous case being when Ricardo urged Malthus to invest in the bond market in anticipation of a British victory at Waterloo. Ever the conservative parson, Malthus declined. Ricardo, as usual, made a killing.
In 1815, Ricardo published his groundbreaking Essay on..Profits. There he introduced the differential theory of rent and the "law of diminishing returns" to land cultivation. Coincidentally, this principle was discovered simultaneously and independently by Malthus, Robert Torrens and Edward West. (more astoundingly, all of them published their tracts within three weeks in February, 1815!) In his 1815 Essay, Ricardo formulated his theory of distribution in a one-commodity ("corn") economy. With wages at their "natural" level, Ricardo argued that rate of profit and rents were determined residually in the agricultural sector. He then used the concept of arbitrage to claim that the agricultural profit and wage rates would be equal to the counterparts in industrial sectors. With this theory, he could show that a rise in wages did not lead to higher prices, but merely lowered profits.
Arguably, a proper theory of value was missing in the 1815 tract. In a one-commodity model, this is not an big issue. But, prodded on by Malthus's criticisms, Ricardo realized that in a multiple-commodity economy, for rents and profits to remain residuals, then prices must be pinned down somewhere. In his formidable treatise, Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817), Ricardo finally articulated and integrated a theory of value into his theory of distribution.
For Ricardo, the appropriate theory was the "labor-embodied" theory of value or LTV, i.e. the argument that the relative "natural" prices of commodities are determined by the relative hours of labor expended in their production. Indeed, he began his 1817 book by criticizing Adam Smith's alternatives -- the "labor-commanded" and "adding up" theories of value -- because, he argued, that made value a function of wages and thus income distribution. For Ricardo, this was untenable. In his vision, value was independent of distribution, and thus only the "labor-embodied" theory made sense.
However, Ricardo realized that when the question of capital comes in, a problem arose: specifically, as different industries apply different amounts of capital per laborer, then the rate of profit will also differ across industries. Ricardo understood that if he then assumed that the rates of profit across different industries were equalized (as free competition would imply), then, mathematically, relative prices would now vary with wages -- exactly what he had criticized Smith for! Ricardo realized that the labor theory of value would only work if the degree of capital-intensity was the same across all sectors, casting doubt on the generality of his cherished theory.
Ricardo proposed two ways out of this dilemma. The first was the empirical argument that firms apply capital in a roughly proportional manner to the amount of labor invested. In this case, the resulting prices when profits are equalized would not differ much from the values implied by the LTV. This is what Stigler (1958) has called Ricardo's "93% labor theory of value". The second solution was to find a commodity which has the average capital per worker, so that its price would reflect labor-embodied value and thus not vary with changes in distribution. He called this the "invariable standard of value" . If one can find what this "standard" commodity is, Ricardo argued, then the rest of the analysis is simple. One can, say, change technology, trace the change in value of the standard commodity, and then extrapolate the change in value for all other commodities by the degree to which their capital composition deviates from this standard. Despite his search, Ricardo never found this standard commodity. On his death, an incomplete paper entitled "The Invariable Standard of Value" was found on his desk. Eventually, Karl Marx (1867) proposed one way out of it, but the proper solution would have to wait until Piero Sraffa (1960).
A little tripped up on value, Ricardo (1817) pressed on nonetheless. With prices (more or less) pinned down by the LTV, he restated his old theory of distribution. Dividing the economy into classes of landowners (who spend their rental income on luxuries), workers (who spend their wage income on necessities) and capitalists (who save most of their profit income and reinvest it), Ricardo argued showed once again how the size of profits is determined residually by the extent of cultivation on land and the historically-given real wage. He then added on a theory of growth. Specifically, with profits determined in the manner given above, then the amount of capitalist saving, accumulation and labor demand growth could also be deduced. This, in turn, would increase population and thus bring more land, of less and less quality, into cultivation. As the economy continued to grow, then, by his theory of distribution, profits would be eventually squeezed out by rents and wages. In the limit, Ricardo argued, a "stationary state" would be reached where capitalists will be making near-zero profits and no further accumulation would occur.
Ricardo suggested two things which might hold this law of diminishing returns at bay and keep accumulation going at least for a while: technical progress and foreign trade. On technical progress, Ricardo was ambivalent. One the one hand, he recognized that technical improvements would help push the marginal product of land cultivation upwards and thus allow for more growth. But, in his famous Chapter 31 "On Machinery" (added in 1821 to the third edition of his Principles), he noted that technical progress requires the introduction of labor-saving machinery. This is costly to purchase and install, and so will reduce the wages fund. In this case, either wages must fall or workers must be fired. Some of these unemployed workers may be mopped up by the greater amount of accumulation that the extra profits will permit, but it might not be enough. A pool of unemployed might remain, placing downward pressure and wages and leading to the general misery of the working classes. Technical progress, for Ricardo, was not a many-splendored thing.
On foreign trade, Ricardo set forth his famous theory of comparative advantage. Using his famous example of two nations (Portugal and England) and two commodities (wine and cloth), Ricardo argued that trade would be beneficial even if Portugal held an absolute cost advantage over England in both commodities. Ricardo's argument was that there are gains from trade if each nation specializes completely in the production of the good in which it has a "comparative" cost advantage in producing, and then trades with the other nation for the other good. Notice that the differences in initial position mean that the labor theory of value is not assumed to hold across countries -- as it should be, Ricardo argued, because factors, particularly labor, are not mobile across borders. As far as growth is concerned, foreign trade may promote further accumulation and growth if wage goods (not luxuries) are imported at a lower price than they cost domestically -- thereby leading to a lowering of the real wage and a rise in profits. But the main effect, Ricardo noted, is that overall income levels would rise in both nations regardless.
With his 1817 treatise, Ricardo took economics to an unprecedented degree of theoretical sophistication. He formalized the Classical system more clearly and consistently than anyone before had done. For his efforts, he acquired a substantial following in Great Britain and elsewhere -- what became known as the "Classical" or "Ricardian" School. His system, however, was improved very little by his disciples. Perhaps only John Stuart Mill (1848) and Karl Marx (1867-94) added insights of any great weight.
Ricardo's theory gradually fell out of favor, and died a slow death soon after the Marginalist Revolution of 1871-74. But research continued in some corners of the world, e.g. Vladimir Dmitriev (1898). Only much later did Piero Sraffa (1960) finally solve the "invariable measure of value" problem and re-ignited interest in Ricardo's theory. The "Neo-Ricardian" research program continues to advance today.

诺贝尔经济学奖得奖人 弗里曼
Nobel laureate economist Milton Friedman dies at 94

Milton Friedman, the Nobel Prize-winning economist who played a key role in the intellectual resurgence of capitalism and the global shift to free-market economics in the final third of the 20th century, died today at a San Francisco hospital. He was 94. The cause of death was heart failure.

His death was announced by the Milton and Rose D. Friedman Foundation, of Indianapolis.

In a 90th-birthday tribute, the columnist George F. Will described Dr. Friedman as the most consequential public intellectual of the 20th century.?

Few rivaled Dr. Friedman, a self-described classical liberal,?in the 19th-century sense, in shaping the intellectual climate of the 21st century. A forceful advocate for laissez-faire economics, he provided the theoretical underpinnings for many of the policies put into practice by President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the 1980s.

Dr. Friedman had resisted the revolution in economics and public policy wrought during the middle third of the last century by the British economist John Maynard Keynes. Keynesianism saw government spending as the key to economic health and viewed a planned economy as the inevitable ?and superior ?successor to a market economy. (In a nice irony, Dr. Friedman twice submitted articles to an economic journal Keynes edited that were rejected.)

An upholder of the quantity theory of money, Dr. Friedman argued that the money supply mattered more than spending or taxing in influencing the economy. He proclaimed the primacy of the market and argued that it did the most to promote personal freedom.

'Freedom is the major objective in relations among individuals," Dr. Friedman wrote in a 1968 essay collection, Dollars and Deficits,?and the preservation of freedom requires limiting narrowly the role of government and placing primary reliance on private property, free markets, and voluntary arrangements.?

Speaking on college campuses in the ?0s, Dr. Friedman had a standard response when heckled by the New Left. "our objective is the same as mine ?greater individual freedom,?he would say."The difference is that I know how to achieve that objective and you do not.?

For many years, he was seen as a voice in the economic and political wilderness. When Time magazine put Dr. Friedman on its cover, in 1969, it proclaimed him a Maverick messiah.?

Dr. Friedman considered himself a libertarian and radical and had the courage of his sometimes off-putting convictions. He advocated abolition of the Food and Drug Administration, for example, and legalizing drugs. Dr. Friedman dismissed the idea of corporate social responsibility.
The only responsibility of companies is to make a profit,?he wrote in a widely quoted 1970 article for The New York Times Magazine.

Among the areas where Dr. Friedman saw his views prevail were tax reform, deregulation, floating currency exchanges, free trade, and an all-volunteer Army. He also supported a flat tax, education vouchers, and privatizing Social Security. He proposed replacing the Federal Reserve Board with a computer.

Money is too important to be left to central bankers,?he quipped in a 2001 Chicago Sun-Times interview.

Dr. Friedman owed his influence not just to his ideas but also his presentation of them. He was a gifted polemicist, well aware that economics was intimately bound up with social and political concerns. There is no such thing as a purely economic issue,?he wrote in his book on Economist Protest?(1972).

Dr. Friedman wrote a column for Newsweek magazine from 1966 to 1984. His 10-part series, Free to Choose?(1980) was an enormous popular success ?and not just in the United States.

Do know you,? Britain Queen Elizabeth told Dr. Friedman at a 1983 royal reception. Prince Philip is always watching you on the telly.?

The book Free to Choose,?which he wrote with his wife, Rose, was the top-selling US nonfiction title of 1980 and has been translated into 17 languages.

Dr. Friedman's ability to get across his ideas to a larger public made him in certain respects the conservative counterpart of the liberal Harvard economist John Kenneth Galbraith. They made for an unlikely pair: Dr. Friedman stood 5 feet 3 inches tall, Galbraith 6 feet 8 inches. Moreover, Dr. Friedman was an outstanding technical economist, whereas Galbraith was more social commentator and public policy analyst.

In addition to the 1976 Nobel Economics Prize, Dr. Friedman received the John Bates Clark Medal (given biennially to the nation) outstanding economist under 40) in 1951 and served as president of the American Economic Association in 1967.

Among Dr. Friedman's best-known books are: Theory of the Consumption Function (1957); Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960?(with Anna D. Schwartz, 1963); and two collaborations with his wife, Capitalism and Freedom?(1963) and Tyranny of the Status Quo?(1984), which was also a three-part PBS series.

Milton Friedman was born on July 31, 1912, in Brooklyn, N.Y., the son of Eastern European immigrants, Jeno Saul Friedman and Sarah (Landau) Friedman. When Dr. Friedman was a year old, the family moved to Rahway, N.J., about 20 miles from New York City. Dr. Friedman's mother ran a dry-goods store and his father worked as a businessman in New York City.

Intellectually precocious, Dr. Friedman graduated from high school at 15. He earned a scholarship to attend Rutgers University and intended to become an actuary. Dr. Friedman became increasingly interested in economics, thanks in part to the influence of a professor, Arthur F. Burns, later chairman of the Federal Reserve Board.

The Great Depression helped determine his choice of career. Under the circumstances,?he wrote in Two Lucky People?(1998), a joint memoir written with his wife, becoming an economist seemed more relevant to the burning issues of the day than becoming an applied mathematician or an actuary.?/p>

After earning his bachelor's degree in 1932, Dr. Friedman was offered a graduate scholarship in economics by the University of Chicago and one in applied mathematics by Brown University. He went to Chicago.
Intellectually, it opened new worlds,?Dr. Friedman said in his Nobel Prize autobiographical essay.

The university exposed him, he wrote, To a cosmopolitan and vibrant intellectual atmosphere of a kind that I had never dreamed existed. I have never recovered.?

Chicago also introduced Dr. Friedman to a fellow graduate student, Rose Director, courtesy of the alphabetical seating arrangement of the economics theory course they were taking. The couple married in 1938.

The University of Chicago was a bastion of more traditional, monetarist economics, a status it would retain.

The small minority of economists who did not succumb to the Keynesian revolution,?Dr. Friedman wrote in Two Lucky People,? consisted disproportionately of Chicago-trained economists.?

Dr. Friedman earned his master's at Chicago and his doctorate at Columbia University. He went to work for the National Resources Committee, in Washington, DC.

揑ronically, the New Deal was a lifesaver for us personally,?he and his wife recalled in their memoir. Dr. Friedman later worked for the National Bureau of Economic Research and briefly taught at the University of Wisconsin at Madison.

During World War II, he worked for the Treasury Department in Washington and did statistical analysis at Columbia University for the War Department. After a year at the University of Minnesota, he returned to Chicago in 1946. He remained there until his retirement, in 1977.

Dr. Friedman turned down an offer to serve on President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Council of Economic Advisers. He later served as an economic adviser in a less formal capacity to Presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. Dr. Friedman's idea of a Negative income tax,?or guaranteed income for the poor, was the basis of Nixon's Family Assistance Plan, a sweeping welfare reform proposal, which failed to be enacted into law.

Dr. Friedman was economic adviser to US Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.) during his 1964 presidential campaign. Goldwater lost that election, but Dr. Friedman won a different one soon thereafter ?as policy-holder representative on the board of the College Retirement Equity Foundation, a pension fund for academics.

It concluded that the liberal professors did not want a conservative as president of the country,?Dr. Friedman joked, but when it came to looking after their retirement funds, that was something else again.?/p>

Dr. Friedman became the subject of controversy in 1975 over a brief meeting with Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet.

I do not regard it as evil for an economist to render technical economic advice to the Chilean government to help end the plague of inflation,?he stated, any more than I would regard it as evil for a physician to give technical medical advice to the Chilean government to end a medical plague.?/p>

After retiring from the University of Chicago, Dr. Friedman became a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. He received the nation's highest civilian honor, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, in 1988. That same year he received the National Medal of Science.

As he grew older, Dr. Friedman devoted less time to economic research and more to public pronouncements.

People's capacities to do scientific work decline with age,?he remarked in a 1986 Los Angeles Times interview, while their capacities to throw the bull increase.?

In addition to his wife, Dr. Friedman leaves a son, David, and daughter, Janet. Funeral arrangements are incomplete.

厉以宁简介

1951年考入北京大学经济学系，1955年毕业后留校工作、任教至今。现为北京大学光华管理学院院长、国民经济学专业博士生导师，北京大学管理科学中心主任，全国人大常委、全国人大财经委员会副主任委员、中国民主同盟中央委员会副主席、中国环境与发展国际合作委员会委员、中国国际交流协会副会长、国务院学位委员会经济学评议组成员、中日关系学史学会会长。1998年被香港理工大学授予荣誉社会科学博士学位。
已出版著作50余部，发表论文100余篇1990年后主要著作有：《非均衡的中国经济》 《走向繁荣的战略选择》 《中国经济改革与股份制》 《股份制与现代市场经济》 《经济学的伦理问题》等

厉以宁：男，现任北京大学光华管理学院院长、国民经济学专业博士生导师，北京大学管理科学中心主任，全国人大常委、全国人大财经委员会副主任委员、中国民主同盟中央委员会副主席、中国环境与发展国际合作委员会委员、中国国际交流协会副会长、国务院学位委员会经济学评议组成员、中日关系学史学会会长。1998年被香港理工大学授予荣誉社会科学博士学位。

厉以宁1930年11月生于江苏省仪征市；1951年考入北京大学经济学系，1955年毕业后留校工作；1985-1992年任北京大学经济管理系系主任；1993-1994年任北京大学工商管理学院院长；1994年至今任北京大学光华管理学院院长。

厉以宁的主要研究领域是西方经济学、中国宏观经济问题、宏观经济的微观基础，其在对中国以及其他许多国家经济运行的实践进行比较研究的基础上，发展了非均衡经济理论，并运用这一理论解释了中国的经济运行。厉以宁从中国经济改革之初就提出用股份制改造中国经济的构想，包括用股份制改造国有企业、集体企业、乡镇企业以及其它所有权不明晰的企业，在中国经济改革与实践中证明是行之有效的，因此理论界与政策制定者广泛接受，对中国经济改革与经济发展产生了积极而又重要的影响。 厉以宁因为在经济学以及其他学术领域中的杰出贡献而多次获奖，包括中国经济学界的最高奖“孙冶方经济学奖”、“国家中青年突出贡献专家证书”、“金三角”奖、国家教委科研成果一等奖、环境与发展国际合作奖（最高奖）等，并被多次邀请到国内外多所大学与科研机构演讲。

厉以宁已出版著作50余部，发表论文100余篇，1990年后主要著作有《非均衡的中国经济》、《走向繁荣的战略选择》、《中国经济改革与股份制》、《股份制与现代市场经济》、《经济学的伦理问题》、《环境经济学》等。

Li Yining Profile

Peking University in 1951 and was admitted to the Department of Economics, 1955 stayed on after graduation, to teach so far. Is the president of Guanghua School of Management, Peking University, and doctorate tutor of the national economy, Director of the Centre for Management Science, Peking University, the National People's Congress Standing Committee, the NPC Financial and Economic Committee, vice chairman of the China Democratic League Central Committee, vice president of the International Environment and Development Cooperation Committee, member of China Association for International Exchanges, vice president of the Academic Degrees Committee of the State Council Pingyiquchengyuan Economics, History of Sino-Japanese relations will be president. 1998 by the Hong Kong Polytechnic University conferred honorary doctorate social sciences.
Has published more than 50 works of the Ministry, the paper published more than 100 articles in 1990 after major works include: "Non-equilibrium of China's economy", "toward prosperity strategic choice", "China's economic reform and shareholding" and "joint-stock system and a modern market economy", "Economics Ethics issues. "

Li Yining: Male, the incumbent president of Guanghua School of Management, Peking University, and doctorate tutor of the national economy, Director of the Centre for Management Science, Peking University, the National People's Congress Standing Committee, the NPC Financial and Economic Committee, vice chairman of the China Democratic League Central Committee, vice chairman of China International Cooperation on Environment and Development Commission, China Association for International Exchange, vice president of the Academic Degrees Committee of the State Council Pingyiquchengyuan Economics, History of Sino-Japanese relations will be president. 1998 by the Hong Kong Polytechnic University conferred honorary doctorate social sciences.

Li Yining was born in November 1930 Yizheng City, Jiangsu Province; 1951 was admitted to the Department of Economics, Peking University, in 1955 after graduating from staying in school; 1985-1992, he was head of the Department of Economic Management, Peking University; 1993-1994, the Dean of the School of Business and Management, Peking University; since 1994 as president of Guanghua School of Management, Peking University.

Li Yining, the main research areas of the Western Economics, China's macroeconomic issues, and macroeconomic foundation and in the Chinese economy, as well as in many other countries the practice of running a comparative study on the basis of the development of the non-balanced economic theory, and Applying this theory to explain China's economic operation. Li Yining from the early days of China's economic reforms proposed by the shareholding system reform of China's economic ideas, including the use of joint-stock transformation of state-owned enterprises, collective enterprises, township enterprises, as well as other proprietary not clear enterprises, China's economic reform and practice proved to be firm effective, and therefore theoretical circles widely accepted by policy makers, China's economic reform and economic development has had a positive and important impact. Li Yining, in economics as well as other outstanding contributions to the academic and has won numerous awards, including China's economic community the highest award, "Sun Yefang Economics Prize," and "national outstanding contribution to the young and middle-aged experts certificate", "Golden Triangle "Award, the State Board of Education won research, the environment and the development of international cooperation Award (the highest award), and was repeatedly invited to a number of domestic and foreign universities and scientific research institutions speech.

Li Yining has published more than 50 works of the Ministry, the paper published more than 100 articles in 1990 after major works include "non-balance China's economy", "toward prosperity strategic choice", "China's economic reform and shareholding", "joint-stock system and the modern market economics, "the" economics of the ethical issues "," Environmental Economics. "

亚当斯密

Adam Smith (baptised June 5 (OS) or June 16 (NS) 1723; died July 17, 1790) was a Scottish moral philosopher and a pioneering political economist. One of the key figures of the intellectual movement known as the Scottish Enlightenment, he is known primarily as the author of two treatises: The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), and An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776). Smith is also known for his explanation of how rational self-interest and competition can lead to economic well-being and prosperity. His work also helped to create the modern academic discipline of economics and provided one of the best-known rationales for free trade and capitalism. He is widely acknowledged as the 'father of economics'

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