谁能提供罗伊案(Roe v. Wade)的英文评论?谢谢!!!

罗伊案(Roe V. Wade)对美国有深远的影响,谁能提供罗伊的背景?他在美国是一个什么样的人物?谢谢!!!~

　　罗伊:
　　http://lz.book.sohu.com/chapter-5070-1-5.html
　　罗伊原名为诺玛.迈卡维。她是一个贫穷，没有受过教育，也没有任何专业技能的女孩子，整天酗酒，吸毒，虽然只有21岁，可她却已经生了两个孩子，并且都已交给别人领养。1970年，诺玛发现自己又怀孕了。她想进行一次人工流产手术。而在当时的得克萨斯等几个州，堕胎是违法的。迈卡维的请求得到了一些权势人物的支持。他们推举她成为第一诉讼人，向政府提交申请，希望能够将堕胎合法化。被告是达拉斯市刑事法官，亨利.威德（Henry Wade）。这时案子已经转到了美国最高法院（the U. S. Supreme Court），迈卡维的名字也被改成了珍妮.罗伊（Jane Roe）。1973年1月22日，法庭宣判罗伊女士获胜，允许在全美实现堕胎合法化。当然，对于迈卡维（罗伊）女士来说，这种宣判已经毫无意义了。她已经生下了那个孩子，并且又把孩子交给了别人领养。（许多年以后，她宣布放弃拥护堕胎合法化，转而成为了一名支持生育的积极分子。）
　　由于她的上诉，美国政府最终颁布了著名的罗伊.威德法案，该法案颁布于1973年，其内容为美国联邦法院赋予妇女堕胎权，此法案被视为过去100年中美国历史上最重要的两个判决之一。

　　Roe V. Wade: 罗伊诉韦德
　　http://law-thinker.com/show.asp?id=2340
　　1969年，一位化名杰恩罗伊(Jane Roe)的妇女向德克萨斯州刑法提出了挑战。
　　德州刑法规定:除了依照医嘱、为拯救母亲生命而进行堕胎之外，其他一切堕胎均为刑事犯罪。原告罗伊声称:她遭受强奸而怀孕，德州法律禁止堕胎，她又付不起钱到那些可以合法堕胎的州进行手术，故不得不继续妊娠;分娩之后，她将孩子交给了不知身份的人收养。罗伊认为:一个孕妇有权单独决定在什么时间、以什么方式、为何种理由而终止妊娠，德州刑法剥夺了她的选择权，因而违反了联邦宪法。被告德州政府主张:生命始于受孕而存在于整个妊娠期间，因此，在妇女妊娠的全过程，都存在保护生命这一不可抗拒的国家利益;宪法所称之“人”(Person)包含胎儿，非经正当法律程序而剥夺胎儿生命为第14修正案所禁止之行为。
　　案件一直上诉到最高法院。1973年，最高法院以在6∶3的多数意见裁定:德州刑法禁止堕胎的规定过于宽泛地限制了妇女的选择权，侵犯了第14修正案的正当程序条款所保护的个人自由，Blackmun大法官代表多数意见作出了支持罗伊的判决。
　　Blackmun认为:个人具有宪法保护的隐私权，“隐私权的广泛性足以涵盖妇女自行决定是否终止妊娠的权利”。尽管宪法没有明文提到“隐私权”，但是， Blackmun大法官指出:无论是权利法案提供的特定保障，第9修正案确认的“人民保留的权利”，还是第14修正案确认的、未经正当程序不可剥夺的个人“自由”，都隐含着隐私权的宪法保护。〔7〕只有个人权利才是宪法所称的“基本权利”(fundamental right )“法定自由”(ordered liberty)，个人隐私属于基本权利或者法定自由的范围。关于“基本权利”保护的司法规则是:限制基本权利的法律违反宪法，除非限制是为了维护某种“不可抗拒的国家利益”，而限制措施又没有超出实现立法目的所必需的限度。法院审查限制“基本权利”的法律，不仅审查限制性规范与立法目的之关联性和必要性，而且审查立法目的本身的正当性。德州法律拒绝孕妇的选择权，不仅给孕妇造成显而易见的身心损害，也给“违愿降生的子女”(unwanted child)及其家庭成员带来沮丧和苦恼，故侵犯了妇女受到宪法保护的基本权利。
　　针对被告主张生命始于受孕，胎儿生命权受宪法第14修正案保护的观点。Blackmun指出，生命始于何时，不是一个法院可以回答的问题。哲学、医学和神学从没有就此形成一致意见。古希腊的Stoics学派、犹太教和多数清教徒认为，生命始于出生;普通法认为，生命始于胎动;科学家有受精说、出生说或体外存活说等不同看法;天主教则认为，生命始于受孕。如今，人类知识远远没有达到揭示生命全部奥秘的程度，因此，法院冒昧回答这一问题，将是不合适的。德州法律根据一种生命理论而禁止堕胎是不恰当的。尽管联邦宪法没有关于“人(person)”的解释性定义，但是，每一条款的前后文都清楚显示:“人”一词仅仅指已出生的人(it has application only postnatally)，而不包括胎儿。普通法也只是在侵权和继承的狭窄范围内，例外地将胎儿视为“人”。
　　在Blackmun看来，禁止堕胎与西方法律传统是难以兼容的。他说，西方法律传统对堕胎一直采取宽容态度。法律演进的历史表明，在19世纪中期之前，法律并没有将堕胎一律作为刑事犯罪。按照古希腊和罗马的法律，在胎儿具有母体外存活性(viability)之前进行堕胎是合法的。按照普通法，在胎动之前堕胎不属于可起诉的罪错(indictable offense)。无论在历史上，还是在制定合众国宪法的时代，妇女都拥有比现代社会更多的堕胎自由。在19世纪中期之后，各州纷纷制定法律，将堕胎刑事化，其立法目的有三:一是遏制放纵的性行为，但是，德州刑法并不包含这一目的;二是确保孕妇的医疗安全，防止堕胎而导致致命危险，如今，随着医学进步，妊娠早期堕胎的危险性已经小于正常分娩，确保孕妇安全不必在整个妊娠期间禁止堕胎;三是保护未出生的生命，但是，只有当胎儿具有母体外的存活性之后，保护未出生生命才能成为限制堕胎的正当理由。
　　在承认妇女堕胎权为宪法保护的个人隐私的同时，Blackmun指出:决定堕胎与否的个人隐私并不是绝对自由。在妊娠期间，存在两种“重要和正当”的国家利益，一是保护孕妇健康，二是保护潜在生命，政府得为实现这两种利益而制定限制堕胎的法律。但是，这两种利益在妊娠期间分别存在，各自在某一时间点成为不可抗拒的国家利益(compelling state interests)。德州法律对堕胎进行了过分宽泛的限制:没有区分妊娠早期和晚期的堕胎;将“抢救母亲生命”作为允许堕胎的唯一理由，而排除堕胎涉及的其他利益。因此，德州法律违反了第14修正案的正当程序条款。存活性是划分保护潜在生命的国家利益和妇女选择权的一条基本界限，所谓存活性，就是胎儿能够脱离母体、借助人工辅助而成为生命。
　　为了在妇女隐私权和两种不可抗拒的国家利益之间划分界限，Blackmun将妊娠期分为三个阶段(three trimesters):(1)在妊娠头三个月(第1到第12周)，堕胎危险性小于正常分娩，政府没有必要为了保护孕妇健康而限制堕胎，医生与孕妇磋商之后，可以自行决定是否堕胎，不受法令限制;(2)在妊娠头三个月之后、胎儿具有母体外存活性之前，堕胎危险性增加，政府得以保护孕妇健康为目的而限制堕胎，但是，限制手段只能以保护孕妇健康为必要;(3)在胎儿具有母体外存活性(第24到28周)之后，政府可以为了保护潜在生命或者孕妇健康而采取包括禁止堕胎在内的措施，除非堕胎是为了挽救孕妇生命。

versus ['və:səs] prep.Versus is used in a court of law to indicate that two people or organizations are involved in a law suit.
The abbreviation v is also used. (在法庭上) …诉…

That case became known as Healey versus Jones.
那起讼案被称作“希利诉琼斯案”。

At first most of the protest over the Roe decision came from Catholic sources, who had been opposing abortion and contraception for over a century. They were later joined by many Protestants. Eventually there were letter-writing campaigns to the Supreme Court. The Pro-life supporters argued that life begins upon conception, and thus that the unborn should be entitled to legal protection. Many conservatives and other supporters of federalism objected to the decision as lacking a valid Constitutional foundation, maintaining that the Constitution is silent on the issue and that proper solutions to the question would best be found via state legislatures and the democratic process rather than through an all-encompassing ruling from the Supreme Court. Some lawyers felt justification could be found in the Constitution, but not in the articles referenced in the decision. Pro-life protesters frequently picket abortion clinics, distribute literature and other forms of persuasion to women considering abortion, and have promoted adoption efforts to steer women away from abortion. More extreme variants of the movement have also developed; abortion doctors have been the targets of harassment and even murder by individuals who claim that by taking the life of an abortion doctor they are actually saving the lives of many human fetuses. However, activists who advocate or practice violence against abortion providers or recipients are consistently denounced by virtually all prominent pro-life groups. Some abortion opponents have claimed that there exists a link between abortion and breast cancer, and Texas has enacted a law requiring literature advancing this theory be distributed to women considering abortion. However, the National Cancer Institute (a division of the U.S. National Institutes of Health) advises that the available medical research does not support this conclusion at this time [1]. Every year on the anniversary of the decision, protesters continue to demonstrate outside the Supreme Court Building in Washington, D.C.

In response to Roe v. Wade, several states enacted laws limiting abortion, including laws requiring parental consent for minors to obtain abortions, parental notification laws, spousal consent laws, spousal notification laws, laws requiring abortions to be performed in hospitals but not clinics, laws barring state funding for abortions, laws banning most very late term abortions utilizing intact dilation and extraction procedures (colloquially referred to as partial-birth abortions), laws requiring waiting periods before abortion, laws mandating that women read certain types of literature before choosing an abortion, and many more. The Congress in the 1970s passed the Hyde Amendment, barring federal funding for abortion. Abortions are currently prohibited in overseas military hospitals, and the United States is barred from aiding international family planning organizations that might advise abortions. The Supreme Court struck down several state restrictions on abortions in a long series of cases stretching from the mid-1970s to the late 1980s, but consistently upheld restrictions on funding, including the Hyde Amendment, in the case of Harris v. McRae (1980).

Some academics also criticized the decision. In his 1973 article in the Yale Law Journal, The Wages of Crying Wolf,[2] Professor John Hart Ely criticized Roe as a decision which "is not constitutional law and gives almost no sense of an obligation to try to be." Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and other liberals such as Massachusetts congressman John F. Tierney and editorial writer Michael Kinsley, have criticized the court's ruling in Roe v. Wade as terminating a nascent democratic movement to liberalize abortion laws which they contend might have built a more durable consensus in support of abortion rights.

Some academics supported the decision, including Judith Jarvis Thomson, who before the decision had offered an influential defense of abortion in A Defense of Abortion, printed in Philosophy and Public Affairs, vol. 1, no. 1 (1971), pp. 47-66. Several groups have also emerged dedicated to Roe's defense. Many Americans vigorously support abortion rights as necessary to women's equality and personal liberty. Most prominent is the National Abortion Rights Action League, as well as EMILY's List, a pro-choice political action committee. During his lifetime, Harry Blackmun, author of the Roe opinion, also was a determined advocate for the decision, making speeches across the country praising Roe as essential to women's equality and reproductive freedom. During the 1980s and 1990s, pressure grew from these groups for the Democratic Party to take a unified stand in favor of Roe.

Fueled by the intensity of feelings in both its supporters and critics, the controversy over Roe shows no sign of abating. Justice Stephen Breyer delineated the positions of the two camps in his opinion for the Court in 2000's Stenberg v. Carhart:

Millions of Americans believe that life begins at conception and consequently that an abortion is akin to causing the death and violating the liberty of an innocent child; they recoil at the thought of a law that would permit it. Other millions fear that a law that forbids abortion would condemn many American women to lives that lack dignity, depriving them of personal liberty and leading those with least resources to undergo illegal abortions with the attendant risks of death and suffering.
[edit]
'Arbitrary' and 'Legislative'
Internal Supreme Court memoranda that surfaced in the Library of Congress in 1988, among the personal papers of Justice Douglas, and in the papers of other Justices, showed the private discussions of the Justices on the case. Blackmun said of the majority decision he authored: "you will observe that I have concluded that the end of the first trimester is critical. This is arbitrary, but perhaps any other selected point, such as quickening or viability, is equally arbitrary." Stewart said that the lines were "legislative" and wanted more flexibility and consideration paid to the state legislatures, though he joined Blackmun's decision. Professor Douglas Kmiec testified on Justice Marshall's papers to this effect before the House Judiciary Committee in 1996. The assertion that the Supreme Court was making a legislative decision is often repeated by opponents of the Court's decision. The lines that Blackmun chose are no longer in effect since Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992).

Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), is a landmark United States Supreme Court decision establishing that most laws against abortion violate a constitutional right to privacy, thus overturning all state laws outlawing or restricting abortion that were inconsistent with the decision. It is one of the most controversial cases in U.S. Supreme Court history.

The decision in Roe v. Wade prompted a still-continuing national debate over whether terminating pregnancies should be legal (or more precisely, whether a state can choose to deem the act illegal), the role of the Supreme Court in constitutional adjudication, and the role of religious views in the political sphere. Roe v. Wade became one of the most politically significant Supreme Court decisions in history, reshaping national politics, dividing the nation into "pro-choice" and "pro-life" camps, and inspiring grassroots activism.

Opposition to Roe comes primarily from those who viewed the Court's decision as illegitimate for straying too far from the text and history of the Constitution, and those possessing beliefs about the personhood of fetal human life.

Support for Roe comes from those who view the decision as necessary to preserve women's equality and personal freedom, and those who believe in the primacy of individual over collective rights, although the opposition to Roe often reference the primacy of the individual when referring to the fetus.

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玄武区18685974881： 美国不是打胎犯法么,然后他们有B超排畸或者四维排畸么?如果检查出来孩子是缺胳膊少腿的还是必须要生下 - ？
戏鸿多喜： 美国最高法院在1973年做出的罗伊诉韦德案(Roe v. Wade)判决,推翻了46个州的反堕胎法,确定了“三阶段标准”:肯定了妊娠第一期(First trimester,妊娠头3个月)妇女作决定的自主权;在妊娠第二期(Second trimester,妊娠中3个月),为了妇女的健康,各州可以限制堕胎,但不能禁止堕胎;在妊娠第三期(Third trimester,妊娠后3个月),除非母体有生命危险,为了保护胎儿,各州可以立法限制或禁止堕胎.事实上,绝大多数的州都容许第三期堕胎.自从该案判决以来,美国第三期堕胎的数目已达数十万之多.

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