奥巴马访华说：“美中两国有很多重要的共同利益”这句话原文是怎样说的

奥巴马访华内容~

奥巴马访华内容

谈气候变化★★★★★

中国和美国分别是世界上第一和第二大温室气体排放国。当两个最大的能源消费国和生产国聚在一起时，气候变化问题自然会是一个不得不谈的话题。

本月中旬奥巴马访华，气候变化议题将排在中美双方会谈议事日程的优先位置。事实上，包括欧盟在内的许多国家和地区也都在密切关注中美两国元首在气候变化议题上将发出何种声音。

实际上，全球节能减排已到重大关口，中美两国的努力正备受瞩目。10月27日至29日，参议院又重新开始审议奥巴马政府有关气候变化的法案。这部名为《美国清洁能源与安全》的法案已于10月6日在众议院通过。白宫希望该法案能在12月的联合国哥本哈根气候变化峰会之前获得参议院的批准。目前最迫切的，是由奥巴马总统本人向美国和全球直接发出一个有力的讯息，那就是美国已准备好作出真正的减排承诺。这将使美国能以领袖的姿态参与到气候问题的有关磋商中来。

中国已经开始降低其碳强度，胡锦涛主席9月在联合国承诺：到2020年，中国的碳排放强度将会有“显著幅度”的下降。中国已经制定了一个国家目标———到2020年可再生能源在能源总量中的比重达到15%。中国希望美国等发达国家作出承诺进一步降低碳排放量，并希望促进12月即将在哥本哈根召开的联合国气候大会达成拯救人类气候的真正的协议。

上海社科院世界经济研究所副所长徐明棋说，在气候变化问题上，中美双方一定会谈，或许会在文件中有声明，但是应该不会签署明确的书面协议。

此前，美国气候变化问题特使斯特恩也指出，奥巴马11月访华将和中国就气候变化问题找寻共同立场，但不会达成双边协议。“我们不是要达成另外的协议，而是试图利用这个机会寻找尽可能多的共同点，从而在12月举行的哥本哈根气候变化峰会上达成协议。”

世界资源研究所中国项目部主任Seligsohn表示，无论如何，中美两国领导人之间的会晤都将有助于提升彼此间的信任，帮助各国政府在哥本哈根取得可行的协定。在一些问题上的分歧已经缩小，诸如穷国有关减排计划的融资问题等。

谈能源★★★★★

尽管奥巴马此行，中美双方可能不会在气候变化上达成具体协议，但是在清洁能源上可能会有新的协议达成。

中欧陆家嘴(29.37,0.38,1.31%)国际金融研究院副院长刘胜军认为，中美两国现在都受到国际环境问题的巨大压力，能源问题一定是最受到关注的议题。“对于美国来说，新能源是奥巴马新政的核心切入点，而中国目前所处的发展阶段，表现为工业化和城市化大规模、高速度，资本密集度非常高，能源消费的增长幅度大。因此中美下一期的贸易市场会是清洁能源市场。”

美国商务部长骆家辉7月在访华声明中表示，随着中国遭遇气候变化的挑战，美国的绿色科技企业有望在满足中方治理污染需要的同时，抓住机遇创造就业机会，美国能源部部长朱棣文此前也表示，清洁能源将驱动未来美国和全球经济发展，创造数百万就业机会，而一起合作能够比单独行动完成更多工作。“推广可再生能源，鼓励提高能效，削减污染，都是双方可以协作的方式，这符合美中两国的利益。”

在清洁能源合作中，徐明棋重点提到两国的核能合作。“中国之前就已同许多欧洲国家有合作关系，尤其是法国。美国也存在与他国合作的历史，但是中美这方面合作总体比较少，此次奥巴马中国行一定也会在这方面有所突破。中美在这方面一定会加强合作，但是否具体成建立核电站等项目，目前来说还是不可知的。”

谈技术转让★★★★★

放宽对华技术出口，也被看作是奥巴马访华的重要议题。

中国方面一直有要求发达国家进行相关技术转让的要求。现在，包括通用电气、霍尼韦尔、联合技术等美国很多大公司已在向中国进行相关技术转让，如“能源效率审计软件”等。环保领域的优势技术，不仅美国有，欧盟有，中国也有。中国在太阳能、风能及清洁煤等领域都拥有世界最先进的技术。这也是中、美技术合作具有活力的原因。

徐明棋说，奥巴马此次访华，两国肯定会签署一些经贸方面的备忘录或协议等，在对华技术方面，美国也会有所放松，提供部分技术转移。在之前杭州举行的中美商贸联合会议上双方已经在这些方面有所作为了。

今年7月美国能源部部长朱棣文访华和中国谈清洁能源时，其中美国出口相应技术给中国也是一个重要议题。刘胜军认为，这次访华，奥巴马应该会在对华技术经贸上有一定的惠华政策。除了国家机密性的(国防等)科学技术之外，美国为平衡贸易赤字应会提供中国购买一些高技术含量的东西，对华打开科技大门。

谈迪士尼★★★★

本周，上海宣布将建设造价36亿美元的迪士尼主题公园。届时，到访的奥巴马会不会谈起迪士尼，甚至像有的消息所说，奥巴马访华时可能与迪士尼高层一起亲临上海迪士尼地块。还有媒体猜测，奥巴马访华而且在上海安排了一天时间的停留，这一天的停留很可能是为了迪士尼协议的签署来出席这样一个活动。

对此，专家认为，如果奥巴马真的这么给“米老鼠”面子，那也不足为奇。“首先，从美国总统与大公司的关系出发，那将是一个互相给面子的活动。奥巴马竞选需要大公司的赞助，大公司借奥巴马的人气可以搞好推广工作。其次，从奥巴马本人的个性来看，若来为上海迪士尼捧场也合情合理。他是一个喜欢传媒的人，而且一直在塑造和维护亲民、年轻的政治形象，参加这种活动很自然。”

英国路透社认为，作为美国总统奥巴马的第一次访华，在美国迪士尼方面，希望奥巴马的全球身价替上海迪士尼做一次全球宣传。不过，奥巴马并不是白白为上海迪士尼作一次秀。根据媒体报道，上海迪士尼一旦落定，上海迪士尼和美国迪士尼都拥有权益。如果上海迪士尼方面出现盈利，奥巴马政府同样可以享受迪士尼盈利所带来的利益收入。

谈国债★★★★

奥巴马此次访华，会不会继续推销国债？分析人士预计，奥巴马很可能大力游说中国继续购买美国国债。

对于仍在不断发行创纪录政府债券的美国政府而言，海外投资人的增持对于弥补美国的巨额预算赤字至关重要。特别是中国，目前依然是美国国债的最大海外持有人。

美国财政部10月16日公布的数据显示，美国2009年财政赤字是1.42万亿美元———这相当于美国国内生产总值的10%，创第二次世界大战结束以来最高记录。美国媒体分析说，如果赤字继续膨胀，从长远看将不利于经济，奥巴马的经济刺激、医疗改革、促进就业等政策也将面临更多争议和反对声。

如此背景下，奥巴马尤其需要获得中国这一最大债权人的支持。专家分析，考虑到美国目前仍在全力拉动经济走出衰退，继续推动大规模的经济刺激，与此相应的，美国仍然需要包括中国在内的其他国家购买美国债券。作为美国国债的最大海外持有人，中方在奥巴马来访期间也会提出明确的要求。

刘胜军说，美国毕竟是中国最大的贸易出口国，而中国是持有美国国债最多的国家。美国在经历金融危机后为平衡财政赤字需要继续发售国债来融资。两国对于双方都有依赖和牵制，所以双方现在在经贸关系上短期内不会出现一边倒的情况，双方也不会做出互相拆台的举动，合作谋求利益最大化是目前应该考虑的。中方很可能重申，美国当局要确保中国在美投资的安全。

谈中国市场经济地位★★★

中美经贸之间还有一个很重要的悬而未决的问题，就是美国何时承认中国市场经济地位。在上月的中美第20届商贸联委员会中，中国曾督促美国尽快给与中国市场经济待遇。

刘胜军解释，中国经济现在还是以市场为主的资料配置方式存在。这种方式局限就表现与中国存有许多大型国有企业(电力、电信、石油等)。另外许多资源也把握在我国政府手中。而中国政府对于各种银行的影响力很大，这就导致国际上对于中国市场化经济的怀疑，对中国企业市场化程度没有信心。所以承认中国市场经济地位对于中国的经济发展是十分重要的。

如果美国承认了中国市场经济地位，将有助于中国在对外贸易中获得更公平待遇、减少贸易争端。这也会对欧盟、日本的决策产生影响，无疑是我国期望达成的效果。

“但是奥巴马没有那么容易松口。”专家认为，市场经济地位是美国对付中国的主要武器，而且是合法的武器。对于承认中国市场经济地位议题，美方的回应是：将尽快召开市场经济地位工作组会议。这个“尽快”没有时间表，也没有工作组框架，很显然，美方对此态度模糊。从这一信息来看，要指望美国总统奥巴马在这次访问中国期间，像7月中美战略与经济对话公报中所说的那样，“迅速”承认中国市场经济地位，可能是不太现实的。如果这次奥巴马能够给出承认的时间表，那将可以看作是一个很大的进步。

谈汇率★★

人民币汇率一直是中美关系中的一个焦点问题。美国总统奥巴马上台之初，一度在此问题上表现强硬，指责中国操纵人民币汇率。虽然美国财政部10月15日发表报告明确承认，中国没有操纵人民币汇率，但依然指责人民币币值被低估。

在今年夏天的中美战略与经济对话中，中美双方也都同意“采取前瞻性的货币政策，并适当关注货币政策对国际经济的影响”。中美理应落实双方达成的协议，通过平等协商，妥善解决彼此的分歧，这既有利于中美两国经济，对当前复苏基础还相当脆弱的世界经济来说也是福音。奥巴马访华，汇率问题会不会谈呢？

美国商务部长骆家辉上个月表示，人民币升值的话题不太可能出现在议程中。徐明棋也认为：“美国希望人民币能够增加弹性，这一点是肯定的。但这种想法不会由官方提出，或许会以保持中国产品价格稳定为交换，在双方非正式领导人协商中提出或暗示。”

刘胜军说，美元贬值是一个大趋势，随之国际地位有所下降也是不可避免的。但是，为稳定市场，美元不会过度下降。中国美元储备过大，有8000多亿美元，中美的贸易顺差也大，所以美国为了避免过度的贬值，急需中国的合作。他们不奢望中国继续购入美元，至少希望中国不要大量抛售美元，导致美元崩盘。从这点出发考虑，奥巴马现在发表申明，从政治上软化对中国的职责，以缓和的态度谋求双方合作，稳定货币市场。

今天,美国总统奥巴马将飞抵上海,开始上任后对中国的首次国事访问。分析人士认为,奥巴马此行旨在巩固美中关系,可能为美中关系提出“新概念”;更多追求美中双赢,并低调处理两国分歧。

将与中国青年对话

美国驻华使馆新闻发言人史雯珊昨日向记者透露,奥巴马将于15日晚些时候抵达上海,并在次日下午飞抵北京,于18日傍晚离京。中国外交部发言人秦刚12日在例行记者会上答问时表示,奥巴马访华期间,会有机会和中国公众,特别是中国的年轻人进行对话。

两华裔部长齐来华

美国驻华大使洪博培此前11日对中国媒体介绍说:奥巴马和中方领导人的会晤中,将涉及全球经济、自由贸易、地区安全和防核扩散、清洁能源和气候变化、以及文化交流等方面,中美双方还将共同发布一份重要声明。陪同奥巴马访华的主要官员有国务卿希拉里克林顿、商务部长骆家辉、能源部长朱棣文、贸易代表柯克等。

中国外交部发言人秦刚10日表示,奥巴马访华对中美关系今后的发展具有重要意义。希望通过此访,进一步确认两国元首确立的21世纪积极合作全面的中美关系的新定位,赋予两国关系和两国合作更多战略内涵。

寻求“战略再保障”

此次奥巴马8天的东亚之行中,近一半时间都将在中国,奥巴马也是近20年来首位在任期第一年内访华的美国总统。对此中国人民大学美国研究中心主任时殷弘认为,奥巴马此次东亚之行,访华是重中之重,他将通过此行寻求“战略再保障”,在重要问题上加强中美战略磋商。

时殷弘还说,奥巴马可能在布什政府提出中国是“利益攸关者”之后,对美中关系给予新的定义。但时殷弘也认为,奥巴马虽有望将中美关系提升到新的高度,但两国关系中出现的贸易争端等负面问题也应当予以警惕。

美国中国问题专家鲍瑞嘉则表示,在华期间,奥巴马将重点谈及那些将给中美带来“双赢”的问题,如清洁能源合作等。并低调处理双方潜在的分歧议题。

Below are the full remarks, as prepared for delivery and released by the White House:

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Good morning. It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China. This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries. I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.

President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start. Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, "No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another." Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.

I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort. Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China. And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang. Thank you very much for being here.

I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S. Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today. (Applause.) Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and -- unlike me -- he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese. He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign. And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China. So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.

Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century. It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging. It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history. And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.

One hundred years ago -- in the early days of the 20th century -- it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made -- choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings. But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between. For people everywhere -- from Boston to Beijing -- the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.

Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century. And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century. Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?

We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times. And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world. That really must underpin our partnership. That is the responsibility that together we bear.

As we look to the future, we can learn from our past -- for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect. During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China. At that time, the world was much different than it is today. America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate. China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.

Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people. Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged. Our people interact in so many ways. And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.

My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests. If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off -- because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.

Let me name some of those challenges. First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery. The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy -- and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well. That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination. And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.

Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation -- because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.

Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.

Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.

Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.

This is not about singling out any one nation -- it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.

And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats. The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers -- they come from extremists who would murder innocents; from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others; from diseases that know no borders; and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror. These are the threats of the 21st century. And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game. Progress -- including security -- must be shared.

Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation. Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks. Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease. And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict -- and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.

All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation. It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate. I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way. This was already noted by our previous speaker. But that only makes dialogue more important -- so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.

For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds. And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.

Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world. We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people. And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders. These are not things that we seek to impose -- this is who we are. It guides our openness to one another and to the world.

China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview. And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America. We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country. My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans. And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic -- ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments. That is how we will narrow our divisions.

Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future. Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions; some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China. I take a different view. And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well. I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations; a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity. This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.

Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: "A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time." Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children -- to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass; to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.

This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey. It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation. I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country. Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

The Us and China share mutual interests. 我没看过原文

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