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奥巴马就职演说
Text of President Barack Obama's inaugural address on Tuesday, as prepared for delivery and released by the Presidential Inaugural Committee. Barack Obama takes the Oath of Office as the 44th President of the United States as he is sworn in by US Chief Justice John Roberts with his wife Michelle by his side during the inauguration ceremony in Washington, January 20, 2009. Obama became the first African-American president in US history. [Agencies] 演讲内容: OBAMA: My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land, a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America, they will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics. We remain a young nation, but in the words of scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness. In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom. For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn. Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction. This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America. For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act, not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do. Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage. What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works, whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account, to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day, because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government. Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control, and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart, not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good. As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more. Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint. We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
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对于资料来讲,越多越好呀

LZ想要的字数大约是多少,我按这个给你缩


Barack Hussein Obama II is the 44th and current President of the United States, the first African American to hold the office. He served as the junior United States Senator from Illinois from January 2005 until he resigned after his election to the presidency in November 2008.


He began his run for the presidency in February 2007. After a close campaign in the 2008 Democratic Party presidential primaries against Hillary Rodham Clinton, he won his party's nomination, becoming the first major party African American candidate for president. In the 2008 general election, he defeated Republican nominee John McCain and was inaugurated as president on January 20, 2009.





Main article: Early life and career of Barack Obama
Barack Obama was born at Kapiolani Maternity & Gynecological Hospital in Honolulu, Hawaii, United States,[6] to Stanley Ann Dunham,[7] an American of mainly English descent from Wichita, Kansas,[8][9][10] and Barack Obama, Sr., a Luo from Nyang’oma Kogelo, Nyanza Province, Kenya. Obama's parents met in 1960 in a Russian language class at the University of Hawaii at Mānoa, where his father was a foreign student on scholarship.[11][12] The couple married on February 2, 1961,[13] and Barack was born later that year. His parents separated when he was two years old and they divorced in 1964.[12] Obama's father returned to Kenya and saw his son only once more before dying in an automobile accident in 1982.[14]

After her divorce, Dunham married Indonesian student Lolo Soetoro, who was attending college in Hawaii. When Suharto, a military leader in Soetoro's home country, came to power in 1967, all Indonesian students studying abroad were recalled and the family moved to the island nation.[15] From ages six to ten, Obama attended local schools in Jakarta, including Besuki Public School and St. Francis of Assisi School.

In 1971, he returned to Honolulu to live with his maternal grandparents, Madelyn and Stanley Armour Dunham, and attended Punahou School, a private college preparatory school, from the fifth grade until his graduation from high school in 1979.[16]

Obama's mother returned to Hawaii in 1972 and remained there until 1977, when she relocated to Indonesia to work as an anthropological field worker. She finally returned to Hawaii in 1994 and lived there for one year before dying of ovarian cancer.[17]


Right-to-left: Barack Obama and half-sister Maya Soetoro, with their mother Ann Dunham and grandfather Stanley Dunham, in Hawaii (early 1970s)Of his early childhood, Obama recalled, "That my father looked nothing like the people around me—that he was black as pitch, my mother white as milk—barely registered in my mind."[18] He described his struggles as a young adult to reconcile social perceptions of his multiracial heritage.[19] Reflecting later on his formative years in Honolulu, Obama wrote: "The opportunity that Hawaii offered—to experience a variety of cultures in a climate of mutual respect—became an integral part of my world view, and a basis for the values that I hold most dear."[20] Obama has also written and talked about using alcohol, marijuana and cocaine during his teenage years to "push questions of who I was out of my mind".[21] At the 2008 Civil Forum on the Presidency in 2008, Obama identified his high-school drug use as his "greatest moral failure".[22]

Following high school, he moved to Los Angeles in 1979 to attend Occidental College.[23] After two years he transferred in 1981 to Columbia University in New York City, where he majored in political science with a specialization in international relations[24] and graduated with a B.A. in 1983. He worked for a year at the Business International Corporation[25][26] and then at the New York Public Interest Research Group.[27][28]

After four years in New York City, Obama moved to Chicago, where he was hired as director of the Developing Communities Project (DCP), a church-based community organization originally comprising eight Catholic parishes in Greater Roseland (Roseland, West Pullman and Riverdale) on Chicago's far South Side. He worked there as a community organizer from June 1985 to May 1988.[27][29] During his three years as the DCP's director, its staff grew from one to thirteen and its annual budget grew from $70,000 to $400,000. He helped set up a job training program, a college preparatory tutoring program, and a tenants' rights organization in Altgeld Gardens.[30] Obama also worked as a consultant and instructor for the Gamaliel Foundation, a community organizing institute.[31] In mid-1988, he traveled for the first time in Europe for three weeks and then for five weeks in Kenya, where he met many of his paternal relatives for the first time.[32] He returned in August 2006 in a visit to his father's birthplace, a village near Kisumu in rural western Kenya.[33]

Obama entered Harvard Law School in late 1988. He was selected as an editor of the Harvard Law Review at the end of his first year,[34] and president of the journal in his second year.[35] During his summers, he returned to Chicago, where he worked as a summer associate at the law firms of Sidley & Austin in 1989 and Hopkins & Sutter in 1990.[36] After graduating with a Juris Doctor (J.D.) magna cum laude[37][38] from Harvard in 1991, he returned to Chicago.[34] Obama's election as the first black president of the Harvard Law Review gained national media attention[35] and led to a publishing contract and advance for a book about race relations,[39] though it evolved into a personal memoir. The manuscript was published in mid-1995 as Dreams from My Father.[39]

From April to October 1992, Obama directed Illinois's Project Vote, a voter registration drive with a staff of ten and 700 volunteers; it achieved its goal of registering 150,000 of 400,000 unregistered African Americans in the state, and led to Crain's Chicago Business naming Obama to its 1993 list of "40 under Forty" powers to be.[40][41]

For 12 years, Obama served as a professor of constitutional law at the University of Chicago Law School; as a Lecturer from 1992 to 1996, and as a Senior Lecturer from 1996 to 2004.[42] In 1993 he joined Davis, Miner, Barnhill & Galland, a law firm of 12 attorneys that specialized in civil rights litigation and neighborhood economic development, where he was an associate for three years from 1993 to 1996, then of counsel from 1996 to 2004, with his law license becoming inactive in 2002.[43]

Obama was a founding member of the board of directors of Public Allies in 1992, resigning before his wife, Michelle, became the founding executive director of Public Allies Chicago in early 1993.[27][44] He served from 1994 to 2002 on the board of directors of the Woods Fund of Chicago, which in 1985 had been the first foundation to fund the Developing Communities Project, and also from 1994 to 2002 on the board of directors of the Joyce Foundation.[27] Obama served on the board of directors of the Chicago Annenberg Challenge from 1995 to 2002, as founding president and chairman of the board of directors from 1995 to 1999.[27] He also served on the board of directors of the Chicago Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, the Center for Neighborhood Technology, and the Lugenia Burns Hope Center.[27]




State legislator: 1997–2004
Main article: Illinois Senate career of Barack Obama
Obama was elected to the Illinois Senate in 1996, succeeding State Senator Alice Palmer as Senator from Illinois's 13th District, which at that time spanned Chicago South Side neighborhoods from Hyde Park-Kenwood south to South Shore and west to Chicago Lawn.[45] Once elected, Obama gained bipartisan support for legislation reforming ethics and health care laws.[46] He sponsored a law increasing tax credits for low-income workers, negotiated welfare reform, and promoted increased subsidies for childcare.[47] In 2001, as co-chairman of the bipartisan Joint Committee on Administrative Rules, Obama supported Republican Governor Ryan's payday loan regulations and predatory mortgage lending regulations aimed at averting home foreclosures.[48]





Family and personal life

Barack Obama with his wife, Michelle ObamaMain articles: Early life and career of Barack Obama and Family of Barack Obama
In a 2006 interview, Obama highlighted the diversity of his extended family: "It's like a little mini-United Nations", he said. "I've got relatives who look like Bernie Mac, and I've got relatives who look like Margaret Thatcher."[198] Obama has seven half-siblings from his Kenyan father's family, six of them living, and a half-sister with whom he was raised, Maya Soetoro-Ng, the daughter of his mother and her Indonesian second husband.[199] Obama's mother was survived by her Kansas-born mother, Madelyn Dunham[200] until her death on November 2, 2008[201] just two days before his election to the Presidency. In Dreams from My Father, Obama ties his mother's family history to possible Native American ancestors and distant relatives of Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War.[202] Obama's great-uncle served in the 89th Division that overran Ohrdruf,[203] the first Nazi camp liberated by U.S. troops during World War II.[204]

Obama was known as "Barry" in his youth, but asked to be addressed with his given name during his college years.[205] Besides his native English, Obama speaks Indonesian at the conversational level, which he learned during his four childhood years in Jakarta.[206][207] He plays basketball, a sport he participated in as a member of his high school's varsity team.[208]


Obama playing basketball with U.S. military at Camp Lemonier, Djibouti in 2006[209]In June 1989, Obama met Michelle Robinson when he was employed as a summer associate at the Chicago law firm of Sidley Austin.[210] Assigned for three months as Obama's adviser at the firm, Robinson joined him at group social functions, but declined his initial requests to date.[211] They began dating later that summer, became engaged in 1991, and were married on October 3, 1992.[212] The couple's first daughter, Malia Ann, was born on July 4, 1998,[213] followed by a second daughter, Natasha ("Sasha"), on June 10, 2001.[214] The Obama daughters attended the private University of Chicago Laboratory Schools. When they moved to Washington, D.C., in January 2009, the girls started at the private Sidwell Friends School.[215]

Applying the proceeds of a book deal, the family moved in 2005 from a Hyde Park, Chicago condominium to a $1.6 million house in neighboring Kenwood, Chicago.[216] The purchase of an adjacent lot and sale of part of it to Obama by the wife of developer, campaign donor and friend Tony Rezko attracted media attention because of Rezko's subsequent indictment and conviction on political corruption charges that were unrelated to Obama.[217][218]

In December 2007, Money magazine estimated the Obama family's net worth at $1.3 million.[219] Their 2007 tax return showed a household income of $4.2 million—up from about $1 million in 2006 and $1.6 million in 2005—mostly from sales of his books.[220]

Obama is a Christian whose religious views developed in his adult life. In The Audacity of Hope, Obama writes that he "was not raised in a religious household". He describes his mother, raised by non-religious parents (whom Obama has specified elsewhere as "non-practicing Methodists and Baptists") to be detached from religion, yet "in many ways the most spiritually awakened person that I have ever known". He describes his father as "raised a Muslim", but a "confirmed atheist" by the time his parents met, and his stepfather as "a man who saw religion as not particularly useful". Obama explained how, through working with black churches as a community organizer while in his twenties, he came to understand "the power of the African-American religious tradition to spur social change".[221][222] He was baptized at the Trinity United Church of Christ in 1988 and was an active member there for two decades.[223][224] Obama resigned from Trinity during the Presidential campaign after controversial statements made by Rev. Jeremiah Wright became public.[225]

Obama has tried to quit smoking several times,[226] and said he will not smoke in the White House






美国黑人

United States

See also: African immigration to the United States
In the first 200 years that black people had been in the United States, they commonly referred to themselves as Africans. In Africa, people primarily identified themselves by tribe or ethnic group (closely allied to language) and not by skin color. Individuals would be Asante, Igbo, Bakongo or Wolof. But when Africans were brought to the Americas they were forced to give up their ethnic affiliations for fear of uprisings. The result was the Africans had to intermingle with other Africans from different ethnic groups. This is significant as Africans came from a vast geographic region, the West African coastline stretching from Senegal to Angola and in some cases from the south east coast such as Mozambique. A new identity and culture was born that incorporated elements of the various tribal groups and of European cultural heritage, resulting in fusions such as the Black church and Black English. This new identity was now based on skin color and African ancestry rather than any one tribal group.[12]

By that time, the majority of black people people were U.S.-born, so use of the term "African" became problematic. Though initially a source of pride, many blacks feared its continued use would be a hindrance to their fight for full citizenship in the US. They also felt that it would give ammunition to those who were advocating repatriating black people back to Africa. In 1835 black leaders called upon black Americans to remove the title of "African" from their institutions and replace it with "Negro" or "Colored American". A few institutions however elected to keep their historical names such as African Methodist Episcopal Church. "Negro" and "colored" remained the popular terms until the late 1960s.[36]

The term black was used throughout but not frequently as it carried a certain stigma. In his 1963 "I Have a Dream" speech,[37] Martin Luther King, Jr. uses the terms Negro 15 times and black 4 times. Each time he uses black it is in parallel construction with white (e.g., black men and white men).[38] With the successes of the civil rights movement a new term was needed to break from the past and help shed the reminders of legalized discrimination. In place of Negro, black was promoted as standing for racial pride, militancy and power. Some of the turning points included the use of the term "Black Power" by Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael) and the release of James Brown's song "Say It Loud - I'm Black and I'm Proud".

In 1988 Jesse Jackson urged Americans to use the term African American because the term has a historical cultural base. Since then African American and black have essentially a coequal status. There is still much controversy over which term is more appropriate. Some strongly reject the term African American in preference for black citing that they have little connection with Africa.[who?] Others believe the term black is inaccurate because African Americans have a variety of skin tones.[39][not in citation given] Surveys show that when interacting with each other African Americans prefer the term black, as it is associated with intimacy and familiarity. The term "African American" is preferred for public and formal use.[40] The appropriateness of the term "African American" is further confused, however, by increases in black immigrants from Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America. The more recent black immigrants may sometimes view themselves, and be viewed, as culturally distinct from native descendants of African slaves.[41]

The U.S. census race definitions says a black is a person having origins in any of the black racial groups of Africa. It includes people who indicate their race as "Black, African Am., or Negro," or who provide written entries such as African American, Afro American, Kenyan, Nigerian, or Haitian. However, the Census Bureau notes that these classifications are socio-political constructs and should not be interpreted as scientific or anthropological.[42]

A considerable portion of the U.S. population identified as black actually have some Native American or European American ancestry. For instance, genetic studies of African American people show an ancestry that is on average 17–18% European.[43]



The one drop rule may have originated as a means of increasing the number of black slaves[45] and been maintained as an attempt to keep the white race pure.[46] One of the results of the one drop rule was uniting the African American community and preserving an African identity.[44] Some of the most prominent civil rights activists were multiracial, and advocated equality for all.

President Barack Obama self-identifies as black and African American interchangeably.[47] According to a Williams Identity Survey conducted by Zogby International interactive poll conducted November 1–2, 2006, among those who voted, 55 percent of whites voters and 61 percent of Hispanics voters classified him as biracial instead of black after being told that his mother is white, and 66% of Black voters classified Obama as black.[48] Another poll conducted by the same group returned results that forty-two percent of African-Americans voters described Tiger Woods as black, as did 7% of white voters.[49]


Blackness

Barack Obama, the first African-American President of the United States, was, throughout his campaign, criticized as being either "too black" or "not black enough".[50][51][52]The concept of blackness in the United States has been described[by whom?] as the degree to which one associates themselves with mainstream African American culture and values. To a certain extent, this concept is not so much about skin color or tone but more about culture and behavior.

Blackness can be contrasted with "acting white" where black Americans are said to behave with assumed characteristics of stereotypical white Americans, with regard to fashion, dialect, taste in music,[53] and possibly, from the perspective of a significant number of Black youth, academic achievement.[54]

The notion of blackness can also be extended to non-black people. Toni Morrison once described Bill Clinton as the first black president,[55] because of his warm relations with African Americans, his poor upbringing and also because he is a jazz musician. Christopher Hitchens was offended by the notion of Clinton as the first black president noting "we can still define blackness by the following symptoms: alcoholic mothers, under-the-bridge habits...the tendency to sexual predation and shameless perjury about the same"[56] Some black activists were also offended, claiming Clinton used his knowledge of black culture to exploit black people like no other president before[57] for political gain, while not serving black interests. They note his lack of action during the Rwanda genocide[58] and his welfare reform which led to the worst child poverty since the 1960s[59] along with the fact that the number of black people in jail increased during his administration.[60]

The question of blackness also arose in Democrat Barack Obama's 2008 presidential campaign. Commentators[50] such as Time magazine[52] have questioned whether Obama, who was elected the first black President of the United States, is black enough, as his mother was white American, and his father was a black Kenyan immigrant. Obama refers to himself interchangeably as black and African American.[47]

Full name:Barack Hussein Obama Jr
Parties:Democratic Party
Height:186cm
Birthday:August 4, 1961
Birthplace:Honolulu, HI
Place of residence: Chicago, Illinois
Obama was born in Hawaii. Father was a black Kenyan economist, and his mother was a white female teachers in the United States. Parent Obama at a time when two-year-old split in 1982 heard that the father died in a car accident in Kenya before Obama only met his father once, Obama with his mother and grandmother grew up Grandpa.
Father, Barack Obama was a student at the Kenya International Students Hawaii. An dunham mother is a white, originally from Kansas. When the old Obama dunham marriage, she is just 18 years of age. This is a very short period of marriage, the old Obama left for Harvard University to study a doctorate in economics, put young wife and young son Obama (when he was two years old) leaving behind, he has no money bring his wife and children go with. After graduation, he was with another American woman Ruth returned to Kenya, Ruth became his third wife, at his home because he had married a previous wife.
His father left, Obama grew up with his mother. Dunham later married an Indonesian oil company manager Russell Luo toro, toro, Su-job because of the relationship between the need to Jakarta, therefore, dunham with a 6-year-old Obama went to Indonesia. Obama spent in Indonesia for four years of her childhood here.
10 years old, mother and stepfather divorced, Obama returned to Hawaii, most of the time he and his grandfather, grandmother live together. Dunham with her daughter, Su-toro Health Maya returned to Indonesia. At that time, dunham very difficult life, her own students and a PhD degree in Anthropology, but also for his son to study live frugally. Everyone Obama 。
第55届第44任美国总统奥巴马获胜演说全文

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves but each otherLet us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.那么,就让我们重新召唤起爱国主义、公仆之心以及国家责任的精神来,每个人都参与其中,一起努力,不单只是关心自身,而是互相照顾。让我们记住这场经济危机所教会我们的一点,如果主街道遭受了打击,那么华尔街也不可能幸免——在这个国家,我们作为一个民族,一个整体,同存亡共荣辱。

In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people. Let's resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long.

Let's remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House, a party founded on the values of self-reliance and individual liberty and national unity.

Those are values that we all share. And while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.

As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, we are not enemies but friends. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices. I need your help. And I will be your president, too.让我们摒弃掉那些长久以来一直危害我们的政治生活的那些幼稚琐碎的党派之争。让我们记住,是这个国家的人第一次将共和党的横幅挂在了白宫之上,而共和党的建立便是基于对自力更生、独立自由和国家统一价值的肯定。这一价值是我们所共享的,即便民主党今晚赢得了大选,我们也会怀着谦虚的心态,去消除这一分歧和隔膜。在面临着比今天更严重的国家分裂时,林肯说过,“我们不是敌人,而是朋友。。。我们友情的纽带,或会因情绪激动而绷紧,但决不可折断。”而对于那些我还没有赢得支持的选民们——也许我还没有赢得你们的选票,但是我听到了你们声音,我需要你们的帮助,而我也同样是你们的总统。

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces, to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world, our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.和所有观看今晚从超出了我们的海岸,来自议会和宫殿,那些谁是围着收音机中被遗忘的角落的世界,我们的故事是独特的,但我们的命运是共同的,新的曙光美国领导在手。

To those -- to those who would tear the world down: We will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security: We support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.那些-那些谁将世界撕裂了:我们将打败你。这些谁寻求和平与安全的:我们支持你。对于所有那些疑惑美国的灯塔是否还会继续明亮燃烧的人,今夜我们将再次证明,我们国家的力量并不是来源来我们的胳膊的臂力,也不是来源于我们的财富,而是源自于我们理念的持久力量。这些理念包括:民主、自由、机会以及坚贞不屈的希望。

That's the true genius of America: that America can change. Our union can be perfected. What we've already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.这是真正的天才合众国:美国会发生变化。我们的工会可以完善。我们已经取得了让我们希望我们能够而且必须实现的明天。

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.这次选举有许多优势,许多故事,会被告知几代人。但是,这在我脑海今晚的约一个女人谁投她的选票在亚特兰大。她就像数以百万计的其他人谁站在线,使他们的声音在这次选举中除一件事:尼克松安库珀是106岁。

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons -- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.她出生的一代刚刚过去的奴役;当时有没有汽车在道路上或飞机在天空中;当有人能像她一样不参加表决的原因有两个-因为她是一名女子,由于她的颜色皮肤。

And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.今晚,我想所有的,她在整个看到她在美国的世纪-在心痛和希望;的斗争和取得的;的时候,我们被告知,我们不能,和人民谁压上与美国的信条:是我们能够做到。

At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.当时妇女的声音被压制和他们的希望被驳回,她活着看到他们站起来,说出并达成的选票。是我们能够做到。

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.当有绝望中的尘埃和抑郁一碗全国的土地,她看到一个民族征服恐惧本身的新政,新的就业机会,一个新的共同使命感。我们能够做到。

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.当炸弹落在我们的港口和暴政威胁世界,她在那里目睹了一代产生的伟大和民主是保存。我们能够做到。

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome." Yes we can.她在那里的巴士蒙哥马利,软管在英国伯明翰,桥梁塞尔玛和传教士从亚特兰大谁告诉人民, “我们克服。 ”我们能够做到。

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.一名男子降落在月球上,墙上下来在柏林,世界是连接我们自己的科学和想象力。

And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.今年,在这次选举中,她谈到她的手指到屏幕上,她和演员投票,因为106年后,在美国,通过最好的时候和最黑暗的时间,她知道怎样可以改变美国。

Yes we can.是我们能够做到。

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?美国,我们来到迄今。我们已经看到这么多。但有这么多事情要做。因此,今夜,让我们反问一下我们自己,如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪;如果我的女儿能够幸运地活得像安-尼克森-库珀那样长,他们将会看到什么样的变化?我们那时将会取得什么样的进步?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment.这是我们来回答问题的机会,这是我们的时刻。

This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope. And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.这是我们的时代,要使我们的人民重新工作并将机会留给我们的子孙;重新恢复繁荣并促进和平;回归我们的美国梦想并重申一个基本事实--在众人之中,我们也是其中一个;当我们呼吸,当我们充满希望的时候,我们遭遇冷嘲热讽和质疑,那些人认为我们无法做到。我们将用一句话来做出回应:不,我们可以!

Thank you. God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America.谢谢你。上帝保佑你。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
奥巴马的就职演讲 。

Barack Obama was born at the Kapi'olani Medical Center for Women & Children in Honolulu, Hawaii, to Barack Hussein Obama, Sr., a Luo from Nyang’oma Kogelo, Nyanza Province, Kenya, and Ann Dunham, a white American from Wichita, Kansas of mainly English, Irish and smaller amounts of German descent. His parents met in 1960 while attending the University of Hawaii at Manoa, where his father was a foreign student. The couple married February 2, 1961; they separated when Obama was two years old and subsequently divorced in 1964. Obama's father returned to Kenya and saw his son only once more before dying in an automobile accident in 1982.

After her divorce, Dunham married Lolo Soetoro, and the family moved to Soetoro's home country of Indonesia in 1967, where Obama attended local schools, such as Asisi, in Jakarta until he was ten years old. He then returned to Honolulu to live with his maternal grandparents, Madelyn and Stanley Dunham, while attending Punahou School from the fifth grade in 1971 until his graduation from high school in 1979.Obama's mother returned to Hawaii in 1972 for several years, and then in 1977 went back to Indonesia, where she worked as an anthropological field worker. She stayed there most of the rest of her life, returning to Hawaii in 1994. She died of ovarian cancer in 1995.

My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our fore bearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the fainthearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- which have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions as; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act -- not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions -- who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them -- which the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account -- to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day -- because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control -- and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seek a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort -- even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus -- and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment -- a moment that will define a generation -- it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the fire fighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed -- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world . that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet it."
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
此为就职典礼演讲

我也要做啊! 而且还要有美国黑人的背景资料!


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Barack Obama was born in Hawaii on August 4, 1961, to Barack Obama, Sr. and Ann Dunham. His parents met while attending the University of Hawaii, where his father was enrolled as a foreign student. His mother was from heartland-of-the-U.S. Kansas, and his father from Kenya...

美国前总统奥巴马每周电视讲话,圣诞节祝福,英语学习演讲资料
That's why we've tried to serve them as well as they've served this country.也因此,我们竭力服务于他们,就像他们服务这个国家一样。

奥巴马的名字在英文中什么意思?他到底黑不黑?
不很黑,详见奥巴马的资料:http:\/\/baike.baidu.com\/view\/750241.htm

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[编辑本段]美国总统奥巴马家族 奥巴马及竞选口号1. 父亲:巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马一世,英文:Barack Hussein Obama, Senior 奥巴马的父亲老奥巴马是肯尼亚人 老奥巴马出生在肯尼亚西部一个贫穷的小村庄,当过放牛娃,后来因为一个很偶然的机会去美国读书,与邓纳姆相遇,生下奥巴马。老奥巴马的生平比较复杂。

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他们讲的是Dhoulou语言。在欧洲殖民者没有到来前,很多非洲文化中,很多人都是将父亲的名作为自己的姓。他高祖父为什么会有这个名,我们无从知晓。另外由下也可知奥巴马是姓而不是名:父亲: 巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马一世,英文:Barack Hussein Obama I,肯尼亚人。美国第一夫人: 米歇尔·奥巴马(依照...

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详情请查看视频回答

象州县19755052056: 奥巴马英文简介 -
子丰凯金邦: American President Barack Obama was born in 1961, his father is black and his mother is white.His parents divorced and he had a harsh life in his childhood.He studied hard and obtained a Ph.D. from Harvard. In 2008, he became the first black ...

象州县19755052056: 有没有奥巴马的英语介绍?
子丰凯金邦: Obama was elected as the new president of the USA. He was popular among American people not only because he is black but is also because he is quite young and a very powerful lawyer before this.He is the son of a black man from Kenya Africa...

象州县19755052056: 奥巴马的英文名字是什么? -
子丰凯金邦: 奥巴马(英文:Obama)是一个姓氏,并不是一个人的全名.台湾翻译为:欧巴马.

象州县19755052056: 美国总统奥巴马的英文全名 -
子丰凯金邦: 英文原文: Barack Hussein Obama 英式音标: barack hussein [əʊˈbɑmɑ] 美式音标: barack hussein [əʊˈbɑmɑ]

象州县19755052056: 美国总统奥巴马的英文名是…… -
子丰凯金邦: Barack Obama 全名:巴拉克·胡赛因·奥巴马

象州县19755052056: 米歇尔.奥巴马英文简介 -
子丰凯金邦: First Lady Michelle Obama When people ask Michelle Obama to describe herself, she doesn't hesitate. First and foremost, she is Malia and Sasha's mom. But before she was a mother — or a wife, lawyer, or public servant — she was Fraser and ...

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子丰凯金邦: 名:巴拉克·胡赛因·奥巴马 Barack Hussein Obama Jr.

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子丰凯金邦: 中文名: 贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马 外文名: Barack Hussein Obama II 名字含义 英文:Barack Hussein Obama II , 也可以称其为 Barack Hussein Obama, Junior. 根据有些国家的传统,有时候,父亲会给自己的儿子取和自己一样的名字.父传...

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